Delivering Muckrakers’ Tales Without the Advertisers

Global Investigative Journalism Network 2013

ESTABLISHING new avenues for digging-in and delivering on the muckraker’s craft is a double-edged sword: freeing investigative journalists from kowtowing to advertisers but requiring that they navigate through some lean times.

“The commercial model has been: make money from advertising. And you rarely go after your own advertisers,” longtime investigative journalist Charles Lewis told a packed room on Saturday in a panel discussion on successful business models at the Global Investigative Journalism Conference (GIJC13).

“Most media models function from advertising. You could see their ads. When you noticed the paper wasn’t investigating their biggest advertisers, you at least knew why.”

Lewis has founded several nonprofit investigative news organizations including the Center for Public Integrity, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists and most recently the Investigative Lab at American University.

“To understand an organization and what it cares about and who supports them, that’s essential,” he said. Every nonprofit newsroom should develop, make public and adhere to an ethics policy that assures their funding sources are transparent to the public.

Lewis spoke alongside Reg Chua, data and innovation editor at Thomson Reuters and Sheila Coronel, director of the Stabile Center for Investigative Journalism at Columbia University.

Coronel founded the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism in 1989. When they opened their doors, only one person in her office earned a paycheck — her assistant.

“We started out in a borrowed office with DOS computers,” she said. “We had donated furniture and a lot of free labor.”

They earned money by syndicating their stories although it’s often impossible to recover the costs of an investigation; and they applied for grants from foreign foundations.

“I tried everything — coffee mugs, books, business plans for a café or mailing center,” she said. “The only lesson I learned is that you will make mistakes. But you have to move on. There’s no time to cry.”

Just as funding models have shifted, so have the delivery mechanism for – and even the very definition of — “investigative journalism.”

Coronel has come to embrace a simple description: the exposure of wrongdoing in the public interest “in whatever form and on whatever platform where it reaches the audience,” she said.

Reg Chua said new models must also consider how they package their content.

“Are you selling investigative journalism or a product that happens to have investigative journalism in it,” Chua encouraged entrepreneurs to ask when they develop a business model.

“People come to restaurants because of ambiance, service, location, health ratings, branding. You have to put it in a broader package.”

Purely investigative centers will continue to exist, as well general interest news organizations that do no deep-dives. The question is, what mix will provide sustainability?

“Some of the best work that can be done is the less episodic but really sustained regular coverage of a subject, that in the course of doing helps you develop great stories,” he said.

“Watchdog reporting is the classic investigation. You expose it and bring people to justice. Scarecrow reporting is the regular day-to-day reporting, the threat of which keeps wrongdoings at bay.”

Donors skip restrictions, splurge on 2013 bets

ELECTION LAWS ARE PRETTY CLEAR.

Certain sectors are prohibited from making election campaign contributions because of the possibility of conflict of interest. These include entities that have pending government contracts, or need special permits, franchises, or licenses from government agenices. For example, mining firms, public utilities, and broadcast companies are prohibited from making campaign donations because they secure special licenses from the government.

But in the recent May 2013 elections, a careful study of the list of major campaign contributors shows a proliferation of personalities with links to these same sectors that are barred from donating.

In the first of a three-part series on how donors, candidates, and political parties poke holes (or poke fun) at the country’s election laws, the PCIJ looks at how these regulated and restricted sectors have intruded into the wild woolly world of Philippine elections through the power of their purses.

While these sectors are prohibited from making campaign donations, the owners or officers of these companies have found a loophole in the law that apparently still enables them to wield their monetary clout in the political world.

Read part 1 of the story below:

Part 1: Top execs of barred firms funded Senate bets, parties

 

PCIJ’s MoneyPolitics a finalist in ‘The Freedom Project 2013′

moneypolitics

THE FRIEDRICH NAUMANN FOUNDATION FOR FREEDOM (FNF) — a German liberal foundation that works for good governance — has short-listed the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism’s data journalism project website MoneyPolitics Online as one of the nine finalists of its Freedom Project 2013.

The Freedom Project 2013 is designed to recognize online initiatives that seek to “promote, safeguard, and maximize the benefits of freedom.”

“It seeks to translate freedom from a mere concept to actual programs that influence how individuals perceive themselves in relation to their role in society. The Freedom Project fosters appreciation of freedom as it relates it to issues that affect people and communities, and to solutions where one can be part of,” FNF’s website reads in part.

fnfThis project is part of FNF’s advocacy in “supporting anti-corruption projects and influencing organizations and individuals to shun away from, and citizens to be vigilant about corrupt practices.A jury will select one winner, but FNF will also be awarding a “people’s choice” which will be determined through online voting. Freedom of information advocates and civil society organizations have until September 9, 2013 to cast their votes online. After voting online, voters will get an email, so they can confirm their votes.

The PCIJ’s MoneyPolitics website is a citizen’s resource, research, and analysis tool on elections, public funds, and governance in the Philippines. It is a data journalism project of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism that aims to promote transparency and accountability in government, and the citizen’s right to know and to participate in governance. MoneyPolitics features a steady harvest of new public documents and more datasets.

The other “Freedom Project” finalists are: Applied Social Accountability at the Community Level (ASA-CL); Bantay.ph; Budget Tracking for Transparent Accountable Governance in Mindanao (BTTAG); Diskarte; I love Quirino Project; Intensive Seminar on Case Analysis and Legal Draftsmanship (I-SCALD); Naga Business Licensing Program (NCLP); and Run After Tax Evaders (RATE) Program.

Those interested in casting their vote may visit the site here. Those who want to cast their vote for the PCIJ’s MoneyPolitics Online website may cast their votes here. Please note that you may only vote once.

Sandiganbayan database online: Who’s been naughty or nice?

EVER WONDERED who among your favorite local officials have been naughty or nice? Ever wondered which official has had a case filed against him or her with the Sandiganbayan?

The answers to those questions are now just a click away for anyone with an internet connection and an interest in the behavior of public officials.

The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) has uploaded the database of Sandiganbayan cases against public officials from 1979 up to 2012 in its MoneyPolitics website. By navigating to this website, anyone with an internet connection can easily find out who, based on Sandiganbayan records, faced charges before the anti-graft court. The database is categorized according to regions and provinces, and allows the searcher to drill further down to position, offense, and the status of the case.

Please take note that this is a database of Sandiganbayan cases; thus, the accused may have been acquitted or dismissed, or the case may still be pending with the anti-graft court. In no way is the inclusion of a person’s name in the database an automatic indication of guilt.

To search the Sandiganbayan database, just follow these steps:

Go to the MoneyPolitics online website

1
Click the Elections & Governance tab on the upper right area

2
Select the Region on the right column

3a
This displays  a new menu; Click on the Sandiganbayan tab

4
Use the filter to search the database based on position, offense, or status of the case

Expense reports of Senate bets do not match pol ads

THE COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS was deluged by election contribution and spending reports for the May 2013 elections, after the Commission started started enforcing campaign finance laws more strictly.

But while the volume of documents received by the Comelec was indeed overwhelming, the quality or the truthfulness and accuracy of these documents is another matter.

In our latest report on the 2013 elections, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism looks at the campaign spending declared by the candidates in their Statements of Election Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE), and compares these with the advertising reports submitted by media entities.

Unfortunately, much of the figures do not even match. The differences range from the hundreds of thousands, to the tens of millions of pesos.

This two-part report by PCIJ Research Director Karol Ann Ilagan was informed by databases that the PCIJ developed using information contained in 25 reams of documents that the candidates and their parties filed with the Comelec, or 12,500 pages of documents.

Read the first part of the story here.

The second part of the series, also written by PCIJ Research Director Karol Ilagan, looks into how 17 senatorial candidates and their parties splurged almost half a billion pesos on advertisements that are, well, technically not campaign ads, but suspiciously look and sound like such.

Read the second story here.