SULYAP: Investigating Erap

HE WAS SWEPT into power by an overwhelming populist vote, yet Joseph Ejercito Estrada, the 13th President of the Republic, proved to be much more than just any ordinary citizen.

Beginning July 2000, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism published a series of reports on the unexplained wealth of Estrada, his many loves, and his love for many mansions. The reports exposed the President’s lavish lifestyle, and the many business and financial involvements of Estrada and his many families.

Four articles of impeachment were filed against Estrada, three of which were based on PCIJ reports. In November of that same year, Estrada was impeached by the House of Representatives. Two months later, Estrada would be forced from office, and arrested and convicted for plunder.

Today’s Sulyap is a look back at the Estrada investigation, and how the PCIJ stories helped inform the public’s mind on the issues of unexplained wealth and conflicts of interest. This video short was produced and edited by PCIJ Multimedia Producer Julius D. Mariveles.

 

SULYAP: Investigating Erap

HE WAS SWEPT into power by an overwhelming populist vote, yet Joseph Ejercito Estrada, the 13th President of the Republic, proved to be much more than just any ordinary citizen.

Beginning July 2000, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism published a series of reports on the unexplained wealth of Estrada, his many loves, and his love for many mansions. The reports exposed the President’s lavish lifestyle, and the many business and financial involvements of Estrada and his many families.

Four articles of impeachment were filed against Estrada, three of which were based on PCIJ reports. In November of that same year, Estrada was impeached by the House of Representatives. Two months later, Estrada would be forced from office, and arrested and convicted for plunder.

Today’s Sulyap is a look back at the Estrada investigation, and how the PCIJ stories helped inform the public’s mind on the issues of unexplained wealth and conflicts of interest. This video short was produced and edited by PCIJ Multimedia Producer Julius D. Mariveles.

 

SULYAP: The Research Desk

IN THE LAST 25 years, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism has grown – to a full complement of 13 people.

It really is a small organization for one that has generated such an impact on Philippine politics and media in the last quarter century.

The PCIJ is made up of four desks, each one handling a specific task that coincides with the Center’s vision of promoting investigative journalism. These are the Investigative Reporting, Training, Research, and Multimedia Desks.

Of these, it is the Research Desk that is the center of gravity of the PCIJ. Since investigative reporting is naturally driven by data, it is the Research Desk that best represents the discipline and practice that drives the PCIJ.

Promises and pitfalls of documents

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DOCUMENTS ARE KEY in investigating public officials and in uncovering their wealth. However, journalists should also be warned that official documents can lie, just like the officials who prepare them.

Malou Mangahas, director of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, gave 16 senior Mindanao editors and journalists a brief on how to investigate public officials using key documents such as the Statements of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALNs), Statements of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE), and corporate records.

What is important, Mangahas said, is for journalists to learn to appreciate the stories behind the numbers.

“Diligence is key,” Mangahas said. “It is cost and labor intensive, but you need to love the numbers. You need to invest your story with meaningful numbers.”

The SALN, for example, should list the real and personal properties of a government employee or official, as well as his liabilities. If one faithfully follows the current SALN form, real property values would be broken down into acquisition costs, but also in fair market values.

SALNs could reveal not just the current worth of a politician, but his personal, political, and financial connections as well. These are relationships that could be important in making connections between a politician and a contractor angling for public works contracts. These relationships are critical as well in studying relationships between political candidates and campaign donors who may have vested interests that they want to protect or businesses they want to propagate.

Mangahas however noted that documents may also lie, mislead, or misrepresent, depending on the intention of the official who prepared it.

SALNs, for example, can be full of pitfalls for journalists who are unprepared to look at numbers and search for connections. These pitfalls include the partial disclosure of information, the use of old data or understated amounts, or redaction of information. Sometimes the problem is even more basic – some SALNs are still handwritten, as if purposely made illegible to make it more difficult to read the data.

Mangahas also stressed that a single SALN has limited value. The true value of a SALN is that of a tracker document, or part of a series of documents that may show or indicate a pattern of spending or acquisition. This means that a single SALN will not show if a public official is getting richer while in public office.

“It is a very good beginning document, a very good tracker document,” she said.

Documents and numbers also tell their own story if used well by a proficient journalist, Mangahas said. This however requires a healthy attitude towards numbers, and not an aversion to documents and data.

“Documents and numbers have their own narrative,” she said. “If you put your heart into it, you will be able to put together a strong story.”

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Financial Times correspondent Roel Landingin for his part spoke to seminar participants about how to interpret financial statements and find trends and patterns of value.

Landingin gave a general description of balance sheets and income statements, and how these could be used to track the health of a company.

“If you add this to the narrative of the human sources, or the people inside, if you add to that the trends based on the financial statements, you get a more complete picture of what happened,” Landingin said. “It gives you insights, so you know the turning points of a company.”

“We could use this to create an analysis of what happened through time,” he added. “You pick up a key variable, look at what happened to it over time, and then you have a good idea what happened to that company.”

 

 

 

 

 

‘Red Flags’ in auditing LGUs

WITH SO MUCH attention diverted to national officials such as legislators and their misuse of the pork barrel, little attention is focused on local government units, those little kingdoms governed by local executives who feel that they are under various stages of autonomy, both real and imagined.

However, journalists should also learn to investigate local government units, because LGUs handle significant amounts of money, says Director Carmelita Antasuda, officer-in-charge of the Local Government Sector of the Commission on Audit. Antasuda says many LGUs get away with corruption because newsmen do not know what to watch out for.

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Antasuda briefed 16 senior journalists and editors on how COA investigates local government units during the PCIJ’s seminar-workshop for Mindanao journalists entitled Governance by Numbers: Investigative Reporting and Numeracy.

For example, Antasuda said many LGUs are so notorious for bad record keeping and inventories that outgoing local officials end up carting away office furniture and appliances when they leave office. This, Antasuda says, is because many LGUs do not even bother with inventories and clearances. As a result, the incoming local officials have to practically rebuild their office from scratch.

Antasuda also gave reporters tips on how to spot red flags or what she called “potential indicators of deficiencies” in local government units.

She listed the red flags as follows:

  • If the LGU has no annual investment programs for the implementation of its projects
  • If there are lump sum appropriations in the local budget. “Kailangan detailed ang budgets,” Antasuda said.
  • If there are payments of transactions outside the “regular mode of disbursement.” For example, Antasuda said payments are almost always to be made through checks, except for payrolls and petty cash transactions. “Magtaka ka if the transaction of five million pesos is paid for in cash,” she said.
  • If there are handwritten invoice receipts

“The reports of the LGUS should be detailed,” Antasuda said. “If the reports are not detailed, then you should wonder.”

As well, Antasuda cautioned against the creation of intelligence funds by LGUs. Intelligence funds are lump sum funds that are often not liquidated by officials.

However, Antasuda pointed out that LGUs are not even supposed to have intelligence funds, because intel funds are only supposed to be used by military units. What LGUs are allowed to have are confidential funds. Even then, only LGUs with peace and order issues should have confidential funds.

Journalists and editors taking part in the seminar-workshop however raised concerns over whether COA auditors are really operating independently from the units or agencies that they are supposed to be monitoring.

One newsman pointed out that he had witnessed a local auditor coaching local officials on how to find loopholes in auditing rules.

Part of the problem, the newsman said, is the fact that many COA auditors do not even have their own offices, and are forced to rely on rooms or buildings provided them by the local government units that they are supposed to be guarding.

Antasuda acknowledged this problem, but added that the COA is presently trying to address this issue. Antasuda said that COA has started constructing its own buildings so that auditors are independent from the LGUs.

However, only eight provincial satellite offices have been constructed by the COA. There are eight provinces spread across the country.