DAP: Good and bad, open and opaque

PNOY WITH CJ

A LITTLE MORE than two years ago, Palace officials gave birth to what they would later claim to be a new economic stimulus plan to boost economic growth. As is often the case in government, this plan was given a technical- and complex-sounding name for it to have a semblance of bureaucratic gravitas that would lend it the appearance of political neutrality.

Two years and two months later, the controversial Disbursement Acceleration Program or DAP is not just dead in the water; it continues to call attention to itself much like the proverbial albatross around Malacanang’s neck, except that this is one bird that won’t stop flapping just yet.

When the Supreme Court on July 1 declared parts of the DAP program unconstitutional, calls went out for the President’s resignation or impeachment. This, even as Malacanang lashed back at the Supreme Court by claiming that no public funds were lost, pocketed or wasted through DAP. On other words. Malacanang is using the “good faith” defense, an argument that effectively precludes all forms of punishment so long as one is able to declare the absence of malice.

But if there is one thing that many Cabinet members are learning over the past few weeks, one lesson stands out: “Good intentions are not enough.”

In the first of a three-part series by PCIJ Executive Director Malou Mangahas, the PCIJ looks into the beginnings of the DAP program, what was right or wrong about it, how Executive officials see it, and what projects and activities had been implemented, for good or bad results, in its name.

Read Part 1 of the series, The P 144-b DAP Express: A maze of good, bad, open, opaque projects.

A sidebar that traces the history of DAP and in the context of current political and economic events is also included.

The second part of the report deals with how, for all the avowed good intentions to have DAP funds stimulate the economy, the dates, places, quality, and implementation of DAP projects do not seem to match these intentions.

The second part was written by PCIJ Executive Director Malou Mangahas, with Karol Ilagan and Rowena Caronan.

And read part three here.

 

Good faith or poor memory?

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CAN MALACANANG invoke “good faith” in the implementation of the controversial Development Acceleration Program (DAP) when President Benigno S. Aquino III himself knew that such impounding mechanisms were prone to abuse, and had even proposed legislation against such a practice five years ago.

In March 2009, then Senator Benigno Aquino III filed Senate Bill No. 3121 also known as The Budget Impoundment Control Act to limit the president’s power to impound funds appropriated by Congress. Aquino then argued that this practice had removed from Congress the control over the public purse. Aquino was then part of the political opposition to then President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

“Of recent times however, this presidential prerogative has been misused and abused, and has emasculated Congress’ authority to check the President’s discretionary power to spend public funds. In effect, the President seems to have a vast and unbridled control over the national budget,” Aquino wrote in the bill’s explanatory note.

Aquino ended the bill’s explanatory note by saying the bill would increase Congress’ oversight and clip then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s influence over specific appropriations in the General Appropriations Act.

Aquino argued then that “as the ‘power of the sword’ belongs to the President, ‘the power of the purse’ resides in Congress.”

Read more of Senate Bill No. 3121 here.

On Tuesday, the Supreme Court—voting 13-1-0—declared the National Budget Circular 541 and other related issuances related to DAP unconstitutional.

The High Tribunal ruled that “the following acts and practices under the Disbursement Acceleration Program, National Budget Circular No. 541 and related executive issuances unconstitutional for being in violation of Section 25(5), Article VI of the 1987 Constitution and the doctrine of separation of powers, namely:

a) The withdrawal of unobligated allotments from the implementing agencies, and the declaration of the withdrawn unobligated allotments and unreleased appropriations as savings prior to the end of the fiscal year and without complying with the statutory definition of savings contained in the General Appropriations Acts;

b) The cross-border transfers of the savings of the Executive to augment the appropriations of other offices outside the Executive; and

c) The funding of projects, activities and programs that were not covered by any appropriation in the General Appropriations Act.”

The Supreme Court also declared as “void the use of unprogrammed funds despite the absence of a certification by the National Treasurer that the revenue collections exceeded the revenue targets for non-compliance with the conditions provided in the relevant General Appropriations Act.”

Palace spokesmen defended the DAP by saying the budget impoundment facility was being implemented “in good faith.” Communications Secretary Herminio Coloma Jr. said the President implemented the DAP in “good faith and due diligence, in accordance with existing laws and pertinent auditing rules and procedures.”

He further challenged those who questioned the executive branch’s “good faith” argument to prove be the Palace wrong.

“Good faith,” in contract law, is a general presumption that the parties to a contract will deal with each other honestly, fairly, and in good faith, so as not to destroy the right of the other party or parties to receive the benefits of the contract.

One of the petitioners against DAP, Professor Emeritus Leonor Magtolis Briones of Social Watch Philippines (SWP) said they want to pin down who is accountable for the implementation of the budget impoundment facility.

In an emailed statement, Briones said the primary actors cited by their petition against DAP were Department of Budget and Management (DBM) Secretary Florencio Abad and President Aquino.

She argued that Abad is accountable because the circular in question was “crafted by his office and signed by him.”

“Do we hold the President accountable for the actions of his cabinet? However, what is obvious is that the President has publicly defended the DAP,” Briones said.

“It is the responsibility of the Executive to defend the constitution. Has the constitution been defended? No. DAP offends the Constitution,” she added.

Briones said that the when the Supreme Court ruled on the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF), the “wheels of accountability started moving” and that the ruling on DAP “is a further step forward.”

“For the public and media, there is no turning back,” she said. Cong B. Corrales

 

 

DATA A DAY: The Court, en banc

SC FACADE

YOU HAVE probably heard that phrase so many times in the news that it already rings with familiarity: “The Supreme Court, sitting en banc…”

It would really be interesting to find out just how many newspaper and online readers and TV news viewers really know what en banc means (and no, it has nothing to do with financial institutions). To many of us, those exotic-sounding phrases are so often used that they already become familiar, and we take for granted what they really mean and what they connote.

For today’s DATA A DAY:

True or False: The Supreme Court must sit en banc in deciding issues on the constitutionality of a treaty, international or executive agreement, or law.

For the answer to that question, just visit the Data a Day site of the PCIJ, or go over to our MoneyPolitics Online database for more useful bits of information.

DATA A DAY: Plunder and bail

WE CATCH this phrase all the time in the news, especially in the wake of the arrests of two senators for the pork barrel scandal: “Plunder, a non-bailable offense.”

Many people have already taken it for granted that all capital offenses, offenses which in a previous decade could have already warranted the imposition of a death penalty, are non-bailable. Bail, of course, is the right of an accused to temporary liberty while a court determines his guilt or innocence. But if it is a right, then why is it denied to those accused of capital offenses such as plunder?

For today’s DATA A DAY:

True or False: A person charged with an offense punishable by death, reclusion perpetua or life imprisonment has no right to bail.

As often is the case, the answer may not be different from what you have come to expect. For a quick peek at the answer, just visit our Data A Day link, or go to our MoneyPolitics Online site for other useful information.

SULYAP: PCIJ and campaign finance

THE PHILIPPINE Center for Investigative Journalism has always had a fixation with the issue of campaign finance – the relationships between political candidates and their donors or contributors, and how these relationships help define the behavior of politicians in office.

Campaign finance has unfortunately not always been a sexy peg for most mainstream news outfits. Elections have always been more of a horse race in this country, and more attention is often given by the local news on the bickering and fighting among candidates, as well as who won or lost in the polls.

The PCIJ is proud of the fact that in the last two elections, more and more stories in the mainstream news are being devoted to campaign finance issues. These issues include how much candidates spend in their campaigns, as well as the financial and political interests of those who contribute to their campaign kitties. In the last elections, the PCIJ held seminars on campaign finance, not just for national and local journalists, but even for employees and officials of the Commission on Elections.

Today’s Sulyap was produced by PCIJ Multimedia Producer Cong B. Corrales.