Pinoy domestic workers abused in UK, says HRW

by Cong B. Corrales

FILIPINOS who think that working in a First World country is a guarantee of better working conditions may be in for a surprise.

Human Rights Watch has released a report documenting the suffering of domestic workers in the United Kingdom, with dire working conditions ranging from the confiscation of passports, to psychological and physical abuse, to non-payment of wages. Many of the migrant workers that HRW talked to for its study involved domestic workers from the Philippines.

In its 58-page report, “Hidden Away: Abuses against Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK,” HRW documents the experiences of migrant domestic workers who also complained of physical confinement to the work places, to extremely long working hours with no rest days.

Released on Monday, the report also said the UK government failed to fulfill its obligations under international law that protects migrant domestic workers and their access to legal remedies in cases of maltreatment.

“Every year around 15,000 migrant domestic workers come to the UK with their employer. We have found that many of them are subject to high levels of abuse that constitutes forced labor,” said Izza Leghtas, HRW Western Europe researcher.

“It’s scandalous that in modern Britain migrant domestic workers are subject to such appalling abuses,” Leghtas said adding, “But instead of protecting these workers, the system makes it harder for them to escape.”

In an emailed press advisory, HRW noted that in April 2012, the British government abolished the right of migrant domestic workers to change employers once they are inside the UK. This is against the recommendations of its parliament, non-government organizations and United Nations experts, HRW said.

Human Rights Watch called on the UK government to rescind this “tied visa” policy, which is says leads to so many other forms of abuse.

“Under the terms of the new ‘tied visa,’ overseas domestic workers cannot legally leave their employer and find new work, meaning those abused can become trapped,” HRW said.

“Workers who are mistreated now face a horrendous choice: either endure the terrible abuse, or escape and become undocumented migrants, where of course they are much more vulnerable to further abuse and exploitation,” said Leghtas. “It’s abhorrent that anyone should be tied into abuse in this way.”

All of the domestic migrant workers’ full names are withheld for security reasons.

“They (the employers) told me you can’t work for someone else. I saw it in the passport but I can’t read English. She always treated me badly, shouting… Sometimes I slept one or two hours. They stayed up late. They didn’t care if I slept or not… If she had treated me well, I would never have left,” Zahia M., a Moroccan domestic workers employed by a Saudi family, on a new visa in London told HRW in January 19, this year.

HRW also produced a video report containing interviews with several victims who come from the Philippines.

“Working 24 hours on-call is a kind of slavery and if we have done a little mistake then they (employers) beat you or maybe they will tell you: Oh you’re not going to be paid because you’ve done this (mistake),” Phoebe, a member of the Filipino Domestic Workers Association in London, UK, told HRW.

Many domestic workers told HRW that their employers often shouted at them and called them demeaning names like “stupid,” “animal”, or “dog.” Worse, some of them were threatened with physical harm.

“Sometimes he was tired and he said, if I made a mistake, (or) there wasn’t a food he liked (because) the market was closed, ‘I can kill you and throw you to the sea,” Linda S., another Filipino domestic worker whose employer in Qatar brought her to the UK to work as a domestic worker for their adult son, told HRW.

“I decided to leave them… If I stay here I don’t know what would happen to me because they always locked me in the house. If there’s a fire what will my son’s future be? How will I help my mother,” asked Andrea N., a Filipino domestic workers who went to the UK with her employer—a diplomat from a Gulf country, told HRW in London in September 8, last year.

Leghtas said that because the domestic workers work in private households, much of the abuse takes place behind closed doors.

“Workers told Human Rights Watch of working up to 18 hours per day for weeks on end without breaks, not being fed properly and surviving off leftovers, being forbidden from possessing a mobile phone or contacting their own families, and being unable to ever leave their employers’ homes unaccompanied. Some were paid wages as little as £100 (US$160) per month and sometimes even these meagre salaries were withheld,” the HRW advisory reads in part.

“I work for them 105 hours a week. I work with this family (for) over a year and I don’t even have the day off that they have promised me. What we have agreed for my salary is £1,000 a month but they only give me £200,” Andrea N., domestic worker told HRW.

“The UK government is failing in its duty to protect migrant domestic workers, who all too often are victims of horrific hidden abuse,” Leghtas said.

“If it’s serious about ending what it calls modern day slavery, the government should recognize just how vulnerable these workers are and give them the protection they deserve,” she added.

 

 

DATA A DAY: Trends in remittances

WE’RE CERTAIN that everybody already knows this: Remittances from overseas Filipino workers always peak during the Christmas season, when dollars, euros, and dinars flood the country to fund the seasonal buying and eating sprees.

So we tweaked today’s Data A Day question a bit:

At what month of the year do OFW remittances usually dip? And if Christmas season is the peak for remittances, what month comes in at a close second?

A bit of logic and horse-sense would help you answer those two questions. However, if all else fails, you may always visit the MoneyPolitics Online database, or check out the website’s Data A Day page.

DATA A DAY: With diploma, without a job

LOGIC WOULD TELL US that those with a college diploma should have the least problems landing a job.

Guess again.

In today’s Data a Day, we take a peek at data released by the National Statistics Office through its latest Labor Force Survey.

There are 2.89 million unemployed Filipinos as of the latest Labor Force Survey of the National Statistics Office. Which group comprises the majority of the unemployed?

  1. High school graduates

  2. High school undergraduates

  3. College graduates

  4. College undergraduates

As we said, it would seem logical that college graduates should have the least problems getting employed. The data from the PCIJ’s MoneyPolitics online database, however, tell us a different story.

Check out the answer here.

 

The wealth of public officials, the weal of voters: Mismatch?

WHO ARE THE RICHEST elective officials of the Philippines, and who, the poorest?

Did they rise to greater affluence or fall to greater penury over the years?

And, is there a match or mismatch between the wealth of public officials, and the weal of the people they serve?

We have 10 days to go before the vote on May 13, 2013 so we better check it out now.
MoneyPolitics, a citizen’s resource tool on elections, public funds, and governance in the Philippines, may be of some assistance.

Click on its Public Profiles tab to learn about the numbers enrolled in the Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN) that top elective officials had filed, and subscribed and swore to as the facts of their wealth.

This tab offers full profiles on the wealth of the president, vice president, and senators.

Just as important this tab reveals the net worth of the party-list and district representatives, and the governors and vice governors of Philippine provinces.

These data came from the SALNs that PCIJ secured from the Office of the Ombudsman and other repository agencies.

But another tab, Elections and Governance will lead you to the lists of candidates in the 2013 elections and the voter turnout in the 2010 elections that PCIJ obtained from the Commission on Elections.

A page within this tab offers the latest socio-economic stats for the provinces, based on data from the National Statistical Coordination Board and the National Statistics Office, among other public agencies.

Why tap into these tabs?

The first, Public Profiles, might give us an initial KYC (Know Your Candidate) experience. Nothing wrong per se about candidates being rich but it is absolutely wrong in law for public officials to enrich themselves while in office.

The second, Elections and Governance, could give us our composite picture as communities, the living and working conditions of our people. It points to some bright spots, and many dark corners, in our country. It tells us what those aspiring to get elected on May 13, 2013 should address or speak about.

More than song and dance routines, perhaps we should demand that candidates tell us exactly how they intend to serve us better.

MoneyPolitics, a data journalism project of PCIJ, is just a click away.

History catches up with Sabah

sabah newspapers

FOR SEVERAL DAYS NOW, Manila’s broadsheets have been bannering the confrontation between followers of Sultan Jamalul Kiram III and Malaysian authorities in a small town in Sabah.

Reports have it that some 300 armed followers of the Sultan of Sulu had traveled from Sulu in the southern Philippines to the town of Lahad Datu in Sabah to “reclaim their homeland.” The followers of the Sultan have refused to leave, claiming they have a right to be in a place that was historically theirs to begin with.

“Why should we leave our own home? In fact they (the Malaysians) are paying rent [to us],” the Philippine Daily Inquirer quoted Kiram as saying. The Inquirer story may be read here

For decades, the dispute over Sabah has alternately simmered or blown up, depending on the mood of whoever is in charge in Kuala Lumpur or Manila. Former President Marcos tried to raise an army of infiltrators to destabilize Sabah, but that caper ended in bloodshed with the Jabidah Massacre, resulting in even more bloodshed with the ensuing Moro rebellion. Presidents after Marcos either ignored the issue or delegated it to that process of systematically gathering dust called diplomacy. More recently, President Benigno S. Aquino III said the country’s claim over Sabah was just “dormant.”

While a lot of Filipinos know that North Borneo (now known as Sabah) has always been a point of dispute between the Philippines and Malaysia, few really know the roots of the dispute. Even fewer still know that the Sultan of Sulu, Jamalul Kiram III, has been receiving a yearly amount from the government of Malaysia in exchange for Sabah, or at least the use of it, depending on how one interprets the contract signed more than a hundred and thirty years ago.

Long before there was a Manila, or even a Philippines, the Sultanate of Sulu was one of the most powerful and influential governments in the region, with diplomatic and trade ties going as far as China. In the 1700s, the Sultan of Brunei was faced with a rebellion in Borneo, and sought the assistance of the Sultan of Sulu. In response, the Sultan of Sulu sent Tausug warriors to quell the rebellion. As a token of his appreciation for the assistance rendered, the Sultan of Brunei gave what is now known as Sabah to the Sultan of Sulu.

Fast forward to 1878 – the Sultan of Sulu signs an agreement with a private firm called the British North Borneo Company under Alfred Dent and Baron von Overbeck to allow the company the use of Sabah. This is where the difficulty arises. The British version of the contract says that the Sultan agrees to “grant and cede” North Borneo for the sum of $5,000 a year. The Tausug version of the contract says that the land was only being leased to the British North Borneo Company. Key to the dispute is the translation of the Malay word Padjak in the contract, which has been translated variously as lease, pawn, or even mortgage, depending on who does the translating and when the translation was done. Language, after all, also evolves over the years. If you take a stroll down Jolo these days, you will see a lot of pawnshops with the sign “Padjak.”

Sultan Jamalul Kiram

Sultan Jamalul Kiram (center) during the American occupation

 

Since 1878, the Sultan of Sulu and his heirs have been receiving this yearly payment (with an occasional break because of wars, changes in government,  and other similar inconveniences), first, from the British North Borneo Company, and then after 1963, from the Malaysian Federation, which assumed jurisdiction over the contract from the by then defunct British North Borneo Company. These days, the annual payments given by the Malaysian Embassy in Manila to the Sultan of Sulu reportedly amount to P74-77,000, or roughly more than $1,800. Malaysia prefers to call the annual payments “cession payments,” in which case the payments would appear to be a perpetual fee for the ceding of Sabah to Malaysia. Sultan Jamalul Kiram III, for his part, has called the payments “rental,” meaning ownership of Sabah still rests with the Sultanate of Sulu, now of course a part of the Philippines.

But while ancient history may appear to be on Manila’s side, contemporary history is not.

When one visits Sabah, one easily comes across thousands of Filipino migrants, mostly Tausugs from Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. Sabah, after all, is just a skip and a hop away from Tawi-Tawi, and many Tausugs find more in common with the people of Sabah than the people in Manila. Long before modern governments started drawing lines on maps and calling them borders, Tausugs were travelling to and from North Borneo and laying their roots there. To them, Sabah was just “that next island over there.” In the port of Sandakan, Tausugs practically have the run of the town, and you can approach most anyone and try to converse with them in Filipino. While Malaysia tries hard to control the inflow of Tausugs through the immigration center in Sandakan, most Tausugs just take a fast motorboat or kumpit from the most southern parts of Tawi-Tawi. After all, you could already see the lights of Sabah from some islands in Tawi-Tawi.

sabah8

The author backpacking through Sabah

In fact, when we visited Sandakan by ferry several years ago, we saw boats towing large rafts of timber from Tawi-Tawi to Sabah. Obviously, this trading activity was not going through customs.

As well, there are many Kampongs in Sabah that are populated by Tausugs, many of whom are either war or economic refugees. Kampong is the Malay word for community, much like the Philippine barangay.

Take note that we have been using the word Tausug to describe the migrants from Jolo and Tawi-Tawi; Tausug for many of them is not just the name of the tribe, but their political and cultural identity as well. Their association with this identity is much stronger than their association with the country they came from. Interestingly and alarmingly, we came across many who indignantly refused to be called Filipinos, and preferred to just be called “Tausug.” For them, the Philippines is a distant, even unfriendly memory.

But what was most striking was this: Many of the Tausugs we encountered detested the idea of the Philippine government reclaiming Sabah. Refugees from war and poverty, many of these Tausugs see little benefit in a Sabah under the Philippine flag; in fact, for them, it is a worrying proposition, not unlike jumping from the cliched frying pan into an even bigger fire.

One Tausug we encountered outside a mall in Kota Kinabalu bristled at the idea of the Philippines staking a claim on Sabah. “Sisirain lang nila ang Sabah. Okay na nga ang Sabah ngayon, guguluhin lang nila,” he said. [They will just destroy Sabah. Sabah is doing fine right now, they will just mess it up.]

It is hard to blame them for the cynicism. After all, they took great risks and fled their own troubled country in droves for a better life, only to have that same country reach out and stake a claim on what to them is already a virtual paradise where one can finally live and work in peace. That, to them, may be the ultimate irony, the ultimate tragedy.