Backstory: Top cops gone awry

By Rowena F. Caronan

FINGERS ARE crossed that whoever becomes the next Director General of the Philippine National Police (PNP) would not also become a magnet of controversies like many of his predecessors.

In fact, of the four PNP heads who have served under President Benigno S. Aquino III, only one – Nicanor A. Bartolome – managed to bow out of service scandal-free. The rest somehow became entangled in controversies that rocked their leadership of an institution tasked to enforce the law and maintain peace and order.

PNP’s most recent chief, Alan L.M. Purisima, resigned last February 6 amid the investigation on the Mamasapano incident.

Purisima had the longest tenure as PNP director general post under Aquino, a distinction that is likely to remain until Aquino’s own term as President ends. Purisima’s more than two years as PNP chief, however, has been marred with numerous controversies – starting with his appointment on December 18, 2012.

His immediate predecessor, Bartolome, had been asked to relinquish his post three months ahead of his mandatory retirement on March 16, 2013. The reason for Bartolome’s early retirement, Malacañang said, was to have a smooth transition of the tasks of the PNP head to whoever was appointed and for preparations for the May 2013 elections to proceed without hitches. After all, the election ban on appointments would begin March 29, 2013 – too close to Bartolome’s mandatory retirement date.

Bartolome had initially planned to go on “non-duty” status before end-2012 while holding on to his four-star rank until March to obtain full retirement benefits. The four-star rank, however, is the highest title in PNP and held by only one police official. This meant that until Bartolome retired, his replacement, Purisima, would remain a three-star official and on the same rank as some of his subordinates.

Both Bartolome and Purisima are known long-time shooting buddies of President Aquino. During the term of the President’s mother, Cory Aquino, Bartolome and Purisima had been members of the Presidential Security Group assigned to protect the Aquino family.

Bartolome eventually agreed to early retirement, enabling Purisima to obtain the highest rank in the PNP upon his installation into office. Following his appointment, Purisima promised to walk the path of Aquino’s “Daang Matuwid,” saying his administration would not tolerate erring and corrupt police officers.

He spelled out his plans for the PNP through a program called “CODE-P: 2013,” which stood for competence, organizational development, discipline, excellence and professionalism. He continued the Individual Performance Scorecard (IP Scorecard), which served as performance monitoring and evaluation mechanism that became the basis for sanctioning or rewarding a police officer. In October 2013, Purisima relieved police officers in Western Visayas and Central Luzon for alleged inaccurate reporting of crime statistics in their jurisdiction. He also relieved the police officers involved in the rubout in Antimonan, Quezon in December of the same year.

Since March 2014, however, it has been downhill for Purisima. The first blows were graft and plunder complaints about a multi-million-peso contract that the PNP signed with the Werfast Documentation Agency Inc. to deliver gun permits. Werfast was allegedly charging overpriced and substandard service. According to the complainant, Werfast was not in the Department of Transportation and Communication’s (DOTC’s) list of authorized courier service; moreover, the company allegedly secured its certificate of incorporation only three months after the deal had been made in May 2011.

News reports later quoted Purisima as admitting that the contract did not undergo a public bidding since the PNP would not pay for the courier fees. By December 2014, his involvement in the anomalous contract would become the basis for the Ombudsman to order a six-month preventive suspension on him and other police officers.

In June 2014, Purisima was also questioned for spending P25 million for the renovation of his official residence or the “White House” at Camp Crame. Indirect bribery charges were filed against him in September for supposedly accepting gifts from his Mason brothers, who donated funds that were used for the renovation. In addition, he was slapped with graft and plunder charges for his alleged untruthful declaration of the value of a multi-million-peso property in Nueva Ecija, as well as the absence in his Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth of a 10-hectare piece of land in Talisay, Batangas that he is said to own. Purisima has denied owning the Batangas property.

More recently, Purisima found himself at the center of the Senate investigation on the Mamasapano tragedy. He was lambasted for allegedly meddling in the operations of the PNP Special Action Force (SAF) team on January 25, 2015 in the remote Maguindanao town even while on a preventive suspension. On that day, SAF troopers had an unexpected clash or “misencounter” with members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) during a mission to capture terrorist Zulkifli bin Hir (also known as Marwan) and bomb-maker Abdul Basit Usman. The Mamasapano clash claimed the lives of 44 SAF officers, 18 MILF members, and five civilians.

In previous occasions, President Aquino, upon being questioned by the media, had repeatedly defended Purisima. But on February 6, Aquino announced on live television that he had accepted Purisima’s resignation. Purisima’s mandatory retirement, however, is on November 21, 2015 yet.

The Mamasapano tragedy is one of the two largest botched operations of the PNP under Aquino’s term. The first took place on Aug. 23, 2010, during which the apparent mishandling of police operations led to the death of eight Hong Kong nationals being held hostage by a dismissed police officer. The hostage-taker was also killed in the incident.

The hostage crisis, which earned the country international shame and infamy, involved then outgoing PNP director general Jesus A. Verzosa.

Versoza had already resigned by the time the report of the Incident Investigation and Review Committee on the hostage crisis came out in September 2010. Even while Versoza was identified as one of the culpable parties, no legal action was taken against him and other high-ranking officials, including then Interior and Local Government Undersecretary Rico E. Puno. Puno was known to be the President’s close ally.

Verzosa was named PNP chief in September 2008 by then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He remained in his post until September 2010 or about three months after Aquino took office. Yet even after his retirement, Verzosa still made headlines, along with his successor, Raul M. Bacalzo, as one of the alleged recipients of multi-million-peso monthly jueteng payola. Both denied the allegations.

Bacalzo re-implemented a one-strike policy on jueteng and illegal gambling activities immediately after his appointment in September 2010. Under the policy, PNP commanders would face relief if illegal activities remained active in their jurisdiction. Bacalzo also banned police officials from playing golf during office hours to improve the PNP’s image.

By the time his term ended in September 2011, Bacalzo had ordered the removal of the PNP logistics director and other officials as chairman and members of the Bids and Awards Committee that was involved in the anomalous procurement of choppers in 2009. His office also conducted a probe on the irregular repairs of light armored vehicles in 2007.

Bacalzo’s tenure as PNP chief, however, was marked by a rash of car thefts, bus bombings, and alleged ambushes of the National People’s Army (NPA). Yet, in a statement posted on the PNP website, the country’s crime rate supposedly decreased under Bacalzo’s leadership.

Bacalzo was Aquino’s first appointee in the PNP. Although he led the institution briefly, he is the only one so far who served until his mandatory retirement, which was on September 9, 2011.

Succeeding Bacalzo was Bartolome, who hails from the President’s ancestral hometown, Tarlac. Before his selection as PNP chief, Bartolome was popularly known as the face and mouthpiece of the organization, serving as such under several PNP director generals.

Bartolome headed the PNP for 15 months, from September 2011 to December 2012. He is remembered for securing funding for the construction of various PNP hospitals, including those built in Camp Martin Delgado in Iloilo City and Camp Rafael C. Rodriguez in Butuan City. His success in securing projects from the Department of Health, however, is credited largely to his having a wife – Dr. Noemi Bartolome – working there. – PCIJ, March 2015

PNoy resign or stay? FB sizzlers

A STRING of small, newly minted Facebook pages have sprouted in recent weeks invariably calling for the resignation of President Benigno S. Aquino III.

Fewer still, on the other hand, are the FB pages seeking to marshal support for Aquino.

In recent days, the anti-Aquino accounts have started to peter out, the number of their “new likes” flattening to zero, and their followers engaged in discussion down to half.

But one pro-Aquino accounts have trekked a similar downhill path of late. Curiously, one FB page of this kind lists its website as http://www.president.gov.ph/ as its website.

Launched only last Feb. 26, the We Support President Noynoy Aquino – #Noynoypar” FB account,submits this proposition: “One of the Best President(sic) The Philippines Ever Had.”

As of today, March 11, 2015, it has drawn1,445 likes, a composite “2,123 people talking about this” but also only “219 new likes” in the last week.

It states: “Ang Facebook Page na ito ay pagpapakita ng pagsuporta sa nahalal na presidente ng bansang pilipinas na si President Noynoy Aquino.”

It exhorts Netizes to “join our Facebook group” and visit the website.

But far more plenty yet much smaller still are the anti-Aquino FB pages of recent birth. These include:

* Noynoy, Give Yourself and this Country a Favor: Resign NOW!, which had:
1,250 likes
24 people talking about this,
12 people new page likes

Its proposition: “di pa man naging president may utang ng DUGO sa manggagawa at magsasaka ng kanyang KAMAG ANAK INC.sa hacienda luista at central azucarera sa Tarlac”

* Noynoy Resign Movement, which had
424 likes
1 talking about this
0 new likes

Its “About” page offers this information:
“Born on August 30, 2010… A Page dedicated to the cause of calling for the Resignation of ma”NOY” Lisa.” It bears a smilar link to the first FB account above.

* Aquino Resign Movement, which had
279 likes
1 person talking about this
0 new page like

It describes itself to be composed of “Citizens’ call for BENIGNO SIMEON AQUINO III to resign for INCOMPETENCE, INSENSITIVENESS and INSTABILITY.”

* Save the Nation Movement, which had
943 likes
12 people talking about this
5 new page likes

A rather extended “About” page described the group thus:

“The Save the Nation movement calls for “Three Urgent Steps”: a new Green Revolution to restore food self-sufficiency; the restoration of the Bataan nuclear plant, and the rapid construction of other nuclear power facilities; and a moratorium on the usurious and illegitimate foreign debt of the nation, freeing resources for development.

Signing the Declaration were the presidents of societies representing such diverse institutions as mechanical engineers, electrical engineers, inventors, radio broadcasters, and journalists, and other organizations.

The concept underlying SANA is the restoration of the historic mission of the Philippines, both for its own people, and as a nation which embraces both Eastern and Western culture, a crucial bridge in creating the alliance of sovereign nations, required to pull the world out of the current descent into a new dark age.”

* President Aquino Resign Alliance , which had
8,814 likes
192 talking about this
16 new page likes

It offered this self-description: “The President Aquino Resign Alliance (PARA) page was put up to express the people’s desire for him to step down and vacate the Office of the President following the rampant corruption, bribery, and plunder exposed by the P10 Billion Pork Barrel Scam.”

* Noynoy Aquino Resign!!! For President , which had
278 likes
4 talking about this
4 new page likes

Outing those who want PNoy out

AMONG THE groups calling for the resignation of President Benigno S. Aquino III in the wake of the Mamasapano incident is one that is attracting attention for the wrong reasons. In fact, the National Transformation Council (NTC), has even been accused of attempting to destabilize the government and plotting a coup d’etat to oust the President.

One of the group’s more prominent members, former defense secretary and national security adviser Norberto B. Gonzales, has denied the NTC’s involvement in any plot to overthrow the President through a coup.

Suspicions persist about the group’s intentions, however, largely because of the links of several of its members to President Aquino’s immediate predecessor, who has been under hospital arrest in the last four years, first for charges of electoral fraud, and then for the alleged misuse of billions of pesos of state lottery funds.

The NTC first came out in public in February 2015, days before the 29th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolt.

It claims to have farmers and fisherfolk among its supporters, but its media outings have had religious leaders and political figures at the forefront. Primarily, it says a “systems change” is necessary to address and reverse the path to failure of the Philippine government and to make it “strong and effective in promoting the common good of the people.”

If realized, assisting in the “systems change” would be NTC’s two sectors. The first is the moral-spiritual sector, composed of religious leaders who will provide moral guidance “over the theory and practice of systems change and national transformation.” The second is the political governance sector, composed of former public officials and officials from the field of business and academe who are “untainted by corruption” and who will “govern the country during the revolutionary transition to authentic politics.”

Those privy to the discussions say that the anti-PNoy forces are looking at the scheduled release of the PNP Board of Inquiry’s report on the Mamasapano incident tomorrow, March 12, as a watershed event to shore up support for their still scattered, puny campaign.

Apart from Mamasapano, two others have supposedly galvanized unity among those opposed to Aquino – the controversial contract to purchase PCOS (Precinct Count Optical Scan) machines for the May 2016 elections, and “pork barrel payoffs” allegedly received by Aquino’s Liberal Party in May 2010.

In his column in The Manila Times newspaper, yet another NTC member, former Senator Francisco S. Tatad, said that the group wants “the entire Aquino administration out.” He said that NTC would then form a multisectoral council to run the government instead of a single political leader. Tatad added that the multisectoral council’s task would be to “fix the broken constitutional system, notably the thoroughly corrupted electoral system, in order to normalize the political order.”

Unfortunately for the NTC, the Arroyo connection of some of its more recognizable members and supporters is not helping inspire confidence in its ability to “fix” anything. After all, the previous administration had been one that was frequently accused of corruption, as well as of poll cheating.

Among the NTC names with links to the past administration is Gonzales, who served as Defense Secretary under Arroyo and was also her National Security Adviser at one point. Another is former Biliran representative Glenn A. Chong, who bolted from the Liberal Party in 2009 and joined the Lakas-Kampi-CMD coalition under Arroyo. Chong’s district was reportedly one of the recipient of Arroyo’s P69.7-billion congressional insertions in the 2010 budget appropriations. The lone district of Biliran reportedly received P570 million funds for infrastructure and river de-silting projects. The funds were disbursed less than three months before the 2010 polls.

There is also Greco B. Belgica, a former councilor in the sixth district of Manila from 2004 to 2007, and who ran and lost in the 2013 senatorial race. His father, Grepor “Butch” Belgica, was appointed by Arroyo in 2004 as the head of the Presidential Anti-Organized Crime Commission (PAOCC).

Another NTC member with Arroyo links is Lipa Archbishop Arguelles. He has reportedly appealed to the Sandiganbayan to free Arroyo from her hospital detention and to speed up the resolution of the case filed against the ex-president for allegedly conspiring to pocket funds from the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO). The archbishop is also said to have visited Arroyo at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center, where she is being detained.

Then there is former Supreme Court Justice Renato Corona, who was spotted at the NTC’s media briefing in Lipa, Batangas last February 26. Arroyo had appointed Corona as chief justice in May 2010, a move that was described by many as being a “midnight appointment.” While the Supreme Court has ruled that the election ban on midnight appointment under Article VII Section 15 does not cover the appointment of Chief Justice, Corona’s ascent as Chief Justice remained controversial due to his association with Arroyo.

Prior to his appointment, Corona had been Arroyo’s chief of staff, spokesman, and acting executive secretary. In 2012, the Senate, sitting as an impeachment court, found Corona guilty of not declaring all of his assets in his Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth, and stripped him of his Supreme Court position.

Tatad, by contrast, has no known links to Arroyo. Indeed, Tatad was part of the governing board of the United Opposition under ousted President Joseph Estrada and former Makati City Mayor and now Vice President Jejomar C. Binay. The United Opposition is a political party whose members are critics of the Arroyo administration. Tatad, however, resigned from the United Opposition in 2007 as a protest for the selection of the party’s senatorial candidates with relatives in the Senate.

At the Senate impeachment trial of then President Estrada in 2001, Tatad was one of the 11 senators who voted against the opening of an envelope allegedly containing incriminating evidence against then Estrada. The Senate’s decision not to open the envelope caused public outrage and triggered the EDSA Revolution in 2001, which led to Estrada’s ouster and Arroyo becoming president.

Tatad, though, is most known for being the Minister of Public Information of the late strongman Ferdinand E. Marcos. Then in 1978, Tatad was elected as an assemblyman to the Batasang Pambansa. In 1992, he ran as senator and won under the Nationalist People’s Coalition of Eduardo M. Cojuangco Jr., a known Marcos ally.

After his three-year stint as senator under the 1987 Constitution’s transitory provision ended, Tatad ran again as senator in 1995 under the Lakas-Laban Coalition of former President Fidel V. Ramos and was reelected.

One other “usual suspect” in some episodes of hatched and botched coups in recent decades – Pastor “Boy” Saycon, described to be “a political strategist” but also formally known as the secretary-general of the Council of Philippine Affairs or COPA.

On Feb; 14, a report on GMANews Online had quoted Saycon as saying that a former Arroyo administration official “had met with members of the police Special Action Force to try to convince them to withdraw support for President Benigno Aquino III.”

He did not name the official, however.

Saycon said he was “invited to the meeting” by former Tarlac Gov. Margarita “Tingting” Cojuangco – President Aquino’s aunt-in-law and wife of his uncle Jose “Peping” Cojuangco Jr. The caveat, Saycon added, is that neither he nor Mrs Cojuangco is “part of a rumored destabilization plot against Aquino.”

“Marami daw nag-iimbita…na mag-withdraw ng support. Sabi ko nga sa kanila, remain in the chain of command. Do not be enticed,” the report quoted Saycon as saying.

Yet still, Saycon said, “lahat lahat na, sama sama na lahat ng against kay PNoy.”

As COPA secretary-general, Saycon had participated in the efforts to oust then President Joseph Estrada in 2001, and in his stead, install then Vice President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo as chief executive.

In March 2013, Saycon had also admitted that he had served as an adviser to Sultan of Sulu Jamalul Kiram III on the Sabah claim, but added that this was “on his personal capacity and not as secretary general of COPA,” according to a Philippine Daily Inquirer report.

But in 2001, the late columnist Hilarion M. Henares Jr. on his Philippine Folio website, described COPA to be “the support group behind the Chavit Singson Juetengate expose, and the organizer of the street rallies against Erap Estrada.” Henares eschewed suggestions that “COPA is a secret subversive grioup.”

Henares and an Aquino supporter, the late columnist Billy Esposo, were COPA members. Esposo, in a statement, had revealed then that the ranks of COPA, “a ragtag group,” included among others, “Teddy Benigno, Boy Saycon, Peping and Tingting Cojuangco, Boy and Maria Montelibano, Amaury Guttierez, Ching Montinola, Michael Mastura, Tony Oppen.”

Henares wrote: “Take it from me, COPA is primarily a discussion group whose motto is ‘to be informed, to be concerned and to be involved in the affairs of the nation.’”

“It has taken the acronym COPA, which means cup or chalice, bringing to mind the quest for the cup from which the Lord drunk in the Last Supper, Holy Grail. In the case of COPA, the Holy Grail is the quest for truth, justice and service to the nation,” Henares wrote.

Finally, there is Rafael M. Alunan III, former Tourism secretary under Aquino’s mother, the late President Corazon C. Aquino; former Interior and Local Government secretary under former President Fidel V. Ramos, and “an honorary member” of the PNP Special Action Force.

Alunan had voiced a film documentary on the PNP SAF titled Tagaligtas that was supposedly produced by the PNP and Ramos.

Erstwhile known as “a Cory Aquino loyalist,” in the May 2010 elections, however, Alunan spurned Noynoy Aquino and opted to vote for a rival candidate, Gilbert M. Teodoro.

In a public statement back then, Alunan explained his choice:

“The presidential candidate I will vote for:

* articulates a vision, a sense of mission and a sensible action agenda;
* has a good grasp of complex issues, and explains them simply and clearly;
* maintains equanimity despite the rigors of the campaign and the adversities of political battle;
* avoids personality politics; stays focused on the issues;
* avoids negative campaigning to give the voters the opportunity to understand his platform and how he intends to govern and serve;
* remains cool under fire, takes tough stands, makes hard decisions, sticks to his convictions especially in the most difficult circumstances;
* is a good listener and integrator of good ideas;
* is a proven negotiator and will be able to hold his own in the competitive arena of geopolitics and international relations;
* is genuinely presidential, a natural leader;
* is comfortable with outliers.”

In boldface print, Alunan wrote: “My presidential candidate… is his own man and cannot be controlled to do their bidding, meaning, protect them for their past wrongdoings once he’s president. This should dispel presumptions or fears of coddling.

“After months of keen observation,” he wrote, “Win or lose, it will not be a wasted vote. Mine will be an informed vote on May 10. I choose Gilbert Teodoro for President.

A fortnight ago, Alunan had openly criticized Aquino’s handling of the Mamasapano incident of Jan. 25, 2015 that led to the death of 44 SAF troopers to be “a case of bad leadership and bad management.” – Fernando Cabigao Jr. and Malou Mangahas, PCIJ, March 2015

The ‘lost’ guns of Mamapasano

By Julius D. Mariveles

THE MILITARY and police forces in the Philippines may be notorious for being perennially ill-equipped, but the same cannot be said for the Special Action Force (SAF) units of the Philippine National Police (PNP) that clashed with Moro fighters in Mamasapano, Maguindanao last January 25.

Unfortunately, having top-grade weapons were not enough to have the SAF emerge from battle with little or no fatalities. Many of the SAF’s expensive arms and military gear are also now believed to be in the hands of unfriendly forces.

Indeed, according to the list submitted by acting PNP-SAF chief, Supt. Noli Taliño, to the PNP director for logistics, the lost pieces of SAF equipment range from thousands of rounds of bullets to ceramic plates that were inserted inside tactical vests, to a variety of firearms, including machineguns.

These were “…believed to be carted away by members of the MILF during the recent encounter in Mamasapano, Maguindanao,” read the first part of the memorandum submitted by Taliño. The MILF or the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, however, has said that aside from its fighters, there were other groups in battle with the SAF troopers that day.

With a bill proposing the creation of a Bangsamoro under deliberation in Congress, the MILF and the Philippine government were and are still supposed to be observing a ceasefire. The SAF, meanwhile, were trying to carry out a mission to eliminate known terrorists Akmad Batabol Usman (also known as Basit Usman) and Zulfikli Bin Hir, alias Marwan.

The Philippine constabulary guard with shore party of Hubert A. Paton. Off the Pathfinder", Philippines, 1926 from the Historic Coast & Geodetic Survey (C&GS) Collection, NOAA Photo Library.

The Philippine constabulary guard with shore party of Hubert A. Paton. Off the Pathfinder”, Philippines, 1926 from the Historic Coast & Geodetic Survey (C&GS) Collection. The first SAF unit was composed of grizzled veterans from the PC Long Range Patrol, a special unit created during the time of Marcos. NOAA Photo Library.

Theb3327“. Licensed under Public Domain via Wikipedia.

Usman is Filipino and Marwan a Malaysian.

Marwan was killed in the operation while Usman, reportedly wounded, remains at large. What happened after Marwan was killed is among the points of inquiry still being explored by the board the PNP formed to look into the matter. Although it is now public knowledge that a firefight soon broke out between the SAF commandos and MILF fighters, crucial details about the operation remain unknown.

FORMER PRESIDENT FIDEL V. RAMOS: 'The people are tired of constant political bickering' | Photo by Jay Directo

FORMER PRESIDENT FIDEL V. RAMOS was chief of the PC when the SAF was formed | Photo by Jay Directo

PNP-SAF troopers are trained for urban counter-terrorism and military operations in urban terrain or MOUT. The SAF’s missions as outlined in its official webpage include conducting operations as a rapid deployment force “anywhere in the country specifically in situations with national and international implications.”

Among its other missions are hostage rescue, commando-type unconventional warfare, search and rescue, and civil-disturbance management during national emergencies.

Formed during the latter years of the Marcos dictatorship, the SAF assumed anti-coup roles under President Corazon Aquino, whose term was rocked by coup attempts from the military. In the late 1980s, the SAF was also deployed to perform counter-insurgency roles.

In October 2003, the SAF teamed up with the Philippine military and arrested Taufik Refke, reportedly the second-highest ranking leader of the Jemaah Islamiyah in the Philippines.

The SAF was also credited for putting an end to a 2005 takeover of the Camp Bagong Diwa jail in Bicutan, Taguig City, by leaders of the Abu Sayyaf group detained there.

Among those killed were Nadzimie Sabtulah, alias Commander Global, Galib Andang, alias Commander Robot, and Alhamser Limbong, alias Commander Kosovo.

More recently, the SAF took part in operations against members of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) who attacked Zamboanga City in September 2013.

SAF commandos were in the thick of the urban battle that lasted three weeks and claimed the lives of more than 20 government troopers, some 200 rebels, and at least a dozen civilians.

Two SAF companies – the 55th and the 84th – were the key units tasked to deal with Usman and Marwan in Mamasapano last January. The 84th or the Seaborne Unit had been trained by the U.S. military and was the assault force that raided Marwan’s hut.

The 55th Unit, meanwhile, was supposed to be the blocking force. Media accounts say the clash between the SAF commandos and MILF members raged for hours – from dawn to early afternoon of January 25.

By the time the sounds of gunfire ceased, at least 69 people lay dead, including eight civilians. Some 17 MILF fighters were also killed, as well as 44 SAF commandos.Most of the SAF troopers killed belonged to the 55th Unit, which had only one of its 36 members left alive.

That the SAF commandos managed to last that long could probably be traced to their stellar training, as well as to their being well-equipped.

SOME of the firearms of the slain SAF44 returned to the government through the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process | Photo by OPAPP

SOME of the firearms of the slain SAF44 returned to the government through the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process | Photo by OPAPP

The latter is evident in the SAF’s “lost items” list, which is composed of 10 categories: rifles, crew-served weapons, grenade launchers, recoilless rifles, handguns, special equipment, communication equipment, ordnance, and magazines.

Of the 36 rifles that the PNP has listed as “lost”, 27 are Special Operations Assault Rifles (SOAR) produced by Ferfrans, a U.S.-based company. These rifles are chambered for the 5.56-caliber ammunition, similar to the ones being used for the M16 automatic rifle, and are designed for close-quarter combat. soar_1rails Of the eight other rifles, four are for sniping – two Savage Gen 2 and two Savage Gen 3 – while the four others are for assault. An assault rifle is a firearm designed to kill many people in the shortest time possible. With only one squeeze of a trigger, it can fire many bullets. Common examples of the assault rifle used by the military are the US M16 and the Russian AK-47.

Sniper rifles are more accurate guns that can destroy targets at longer ranges. Some modern sniper rifles can hit targets at a range of more than 1.6 kms.

Four crew-served weapons, commonly known as machineguns, were also declared lost. These were two M60 light machineguns and two Israeli-made Negev LMG.

AN EXAMPLE of a machinegun | Photo from wikipedia.com

AN EXAMPLE of a machinegun | Photo from wikipedia.com

Machine guns like the Negev and the M60 are called crew-served weapons because they require more than one soldier to operate. These can continue to fire at a rate of 500 to 1,000 rounds per minute as long as the trigger is squeezed. Firing faster than rifles, machine guns are best used to defend a position or to provide covering fire as troops advance on a target.

The PNP-SAF also lost 9mm-caliber handguns, eight of which are Glock 17 models, 10 Ferfrans grenade launchers, which fire the 40mm caliber cartridges as well as a 90mm recoilless rifle that is described as a type of lightweight artillery.

SOA

SOAR RIFLE with M203 | Photo from www.ferfrans.net

Missing as well are 20 hand grenades, 150 40mm ammunitions — the ones fired from an M203 — and eight 90RR ammo. (The M203 fires grenades more accurately and at longer distances compared to a grenade thrown by a soldier.)

In addition, at least 638 pistol and rifle magazines were lost, 523 of which are for M16 rifles, along with a lot of bullets – some 24,000 rounds of 5.56-caliber ball ammunition, nearly 4,000 rounds of linked 5.56, more than 5,000 rounds of 9-mm bullets, and at least 1,500 rounds of SS109 caliber 5.56 with steel penetrator tips were also lost.

The U.S. government is reportedly planning to ban the SS109, also known as “green tip” ammunition, because it can pierce a police officer’s protective vest when fired from a handgun. It is described in gun forums as designed for increased penetration in longer ranges.

AIMING LIGHT or illuminator mounted on top of a rifle | Photo from wikipedia.com

AIMING LIGHT or illuminator mounted on top of a rifle | Photo from wikipedia.com

The SAF troopers had mounted PEQ 2 illuminators on their rifles, aiming lights used along with night-vision googles for operating in darkness. Twelve of these were reported lost, along with sound suppressors or silencers. The list, however, did not indicate if these were for pistols or rifles.

Ten handheld radio sets are also on the “lost” list, six with the Harris brand and four Motorolas.

Many of the SAF troopers were wearing ceramic plates inserted in their tactical vests. The list shows that while 79 of the plates were lost, only four tactical vests were declared missing by the SAF.

According to a former military officer interviewed by PCIJ, SAF troopers could have dropped their plates during the fighting.

An online check of available ceramic plates showed that it could weigh between two kgs to seven kgs. All these amount to millions of pesos.

Each of the SOAR alone costs around P118,000 based on published reports of government estimates in announcing the purchase of rifles last year.

This means the lost SOARs are worth some P3.2 million in all. The Negev machineguns cost at least P450,000 each, while a Level 4 ceramic plate could cost from $145 to $999 (P6,500 to P45,000). Level 4 is the highest protection level currently available for plates.

The government has demanded that MILF return any weapons its members got from the SAF troopers. So far, MILF has returned at least 16 firearms to the government. – With additional research by Cong B. Corrales, PCIJ, March 2015

VIDEO: All-out peace, all-out justice

LET the healing begin.

Peace advocates, civil society organizations, and communities across the Philippines commemorated the National Day of Healing for Truth, Justice, and Peace on March 6, 2015. The activity also falls on the 40th day since the Mamasapano tragedy on January 25, 2015, which killed at least 67 Filipinos.

Here in Metro Manila, more than 25 networks of civil society organizations gathered at the World Peace Bell in Quezon City Memorial Circle.

The atmosphere was festive in the morning as different activities were held, including soil painting, clay sculpture, and singing of traditional songs, among others. Several national figures joined the event and expressed their solidarity with the peace advocates.

In the afternoon, All Out Peace Campaign convenors led an interfaith peace rally.

“We feel there is that need now — right after the Mamasapano tragedy— that the general discourse of the land especially spewed by media, both social and mainstream, is the demonization of the Moro people,” Gus Miclat, executive director of the Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID) and convenor of the All Out Peace Campaign told PCIJ.

Last week, separate resolutions were filed in Congress declaring March 6, 2015 as a National Day of Healing for Truth, Justice, and Peace “to remember those who perished in Mamasapano as well as the thousands of lives lost from decades of armed conflict.”

According to the Senate Resolution 1204, the Mamasapano tragedy has “likewise caused a national divide threatening to polarize the country and its peace-loving peoples, with some sections issuing condemnation, hasty judgement and espousing bloody retaliation.”

For its part, the Lower House’s version—House Resolution 1952—stressed the urgent need to “pause and re-asses” the common aspirations of the people to bring solutions to the country’s problems.

“Let us never give up on our quest for peace. The road to peace could sometimes by bumpy and painful, but peace is not impossible,” the House Resolution reads in part.

Here are the sights and sounds during the activity in this video short by PCIJ deputy multimedia producer Cong B. Corrales