Not as obvious as a gun

We are printing the full text of the speech given by Rowena Paraan, chairperson of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines given during the forum for World Press Freedom Day in Manila, Philippines entitled “Let Journalism Thrive: The right to life, the right to know, the right to free expression.

Not all threats to Press Freedom are as obvious as a .45 caliber gun

“The can be no press freedom if journalists exist in conditions of poverty, corruption and fear.”

News organizations last night had more than the usual skeleton staff on duty. A lot of us in fact stayed up until three this morning to monitor the execution of Mary Jane Veloso at an island prison in Indonesia. Mary Jane came from a poor family of sakadas or seasonal farm workers. She has two sons and, just like the 3,700 Filipino workers who leave the country daily, she decided to work abroad in order to feed her family.

We all know by now the story of Mary Jane. She was recruited by a family friend to work in Malaysia but when she got there, there was no job. Instead she was made to go to Indonesia, unknowingly (according to supporters) carrying luggage with heroin hidden in the lining. With limited English, interrogated without legal counsel and her family receiving death threats from the drug syndicate, she was convicted and sentenced to death by firing squad.

NUJP chairperson Rowena Paraan | Photo by Cong B. Corrales

NUJP chairperson Rowena Paraan | Photo by Cong B. Corrales

So why am I talking about Mary Jane Veloso? A lot of Filipinos find themselves in situations like that of Mary Jane, including Filipino journalists. Anxious to provide for their families, desperate to break away from poverty and often forced to risk their safety to get the kind of picture or interview that the networks or newspapers would be willing to pay for.

When we talk about threats to press freedom, the first things that come to mind, especially if in the context of countries like the Philippines, are the killings of journalists. But some threats to freedoms are not always as obvious as a .45 caliber gun or as loud as a gunshot. Some attacks happen quietly and hit us where it hurts the most: in the stomach, or sikmura. But, ironically, many journalists have gotten so used to the situation that they no longer see or they fail to understand how it already undermines basic rights and freedoms, including the right to a free press.

US Ambassador Philip S. Goldberg, gave the keynote address to the forum for World Press Freedom Day held in Manila, Philippines on April 28, 2014 | Photo by Cong B. Corrales

US Ambassador Philip S. Goldberg, gave the keynote address to the forum for World Press Freedom Day held in Manila, Philippines on April 28, 2014 | Photo by Cong B. Corrales

I have talked about the plight of media workers before (pasensiya na po kung paulit-ulit) but I am bringing it up again, this time in the context of World Press Freedom Day.

Among our colleagues, community journalists have always been the most vulnerable — to assassin’s bullets or to exploitation and abuse by media owners.

Most community media outfits are too small to be able to provide adequate compensation and benefits to their workers.

A community journalist in Zamboanga for example, who is now in her 30s, reported to NUJP that all the papers she has worked for have always paid way below the minimum. At the moment, she receives the average paltry sum of P80 a day or P2400 a month.

SOME of the participants to the forum for World Press Freedom Day held in Manila, Philippines on April 29, 2014 | Photo by Cong B. Corrales

SOME of the participants to the forum for World Press Freedom Day held in Manila, Philippines on April 29, 2014 | Photo by Cong B. Corrales

Journalists are also sometimes made to sign two sets of payroll. In one radio station for example, one payroll indicates a salary of P8000 and the other P5000. The same goes even with the required 13th month pay.

Community reporters usually have neither medical insurance, social benefits nor bonuses.

But there are still far more horrendous ways that community journalists are exploited.

There are media outlets that do not pay at all their reporters, leaving them to find ways to earn money using their press cards. “Diskarte” is how it is usually referred to. This may entail knocking on the door of officials, letting them hear the recording of the commentary or news report that aired recently wherein the official is given much prominence. With fingers crossed, the reporter hopes that the official is grateful or happy enough to slip him or her a Ninoy Aquino bill, depending on how much pogi points he will get from the broadcast.

UNITED NATION's county representative Terence Jones | Photo by Cong B. Corrales

UNITED NATION’s county representative Terence Jones | Photo by Cong B. Corrales

Some media owners take on politicians as clients, their stations or papers serving as mouthpieces. In exchange, the clients take care of their reporters’ salaries. If the client happens to be the mayor, reporters are sometimes included in the city hall’s payroll.

Then there are those that compel their news staff to solicit advertising to get commissions in lieu of wages. This makes it difficult for the staff to publish reports critical of the entity that have placed the ads. This, we all know, is one of the oldest and most effective ways of influencing media.

But let us not forget the leasing of airtime to unscrupulous politicians who then put / in the blocktime program / media colleagues desperate for work in an increasingly shrinking job market. The journalists then are used as surrogate warriors in their political battles.

These practices have reduced journalists, who used to be very highly regarded being vanguards of democracy and freedom, to almost the level of mendicancy and stripped of dignity.

Furthermore, the lack of decent wage, the absence of job security and the little job opportunities available – ALL make the journalists extremely vulnerable. Just like Mary Jane Veloso, forced to go to Indonesia and later Malaysia despite the uncertainties and risks.

On the other hand, the tactics employed by owners to squeeze as much profit as possible from every issue, every broadcast brazenly violate labor laws. They not only violate economic rights and dignity. They also put the journalists in the line of fire, often leading to them getting threats, being charged with criminal libel, or even physically attacked.

Many, even us media groups, have linked some media killings to a serious lack of ethics and professionalism in quite a number of practitioners. We have never denied the truth to this observation and NUJP has worked hard to promote ethics and professional practice.

But I have to ask: Since when has corruption been a license to murder? And even if it were so, shouldn’t government institutions and agencies be the first to be depopulated?

And while it is true that, in the end, ethics is a personal choice, often overlooked is the fact that corruption does not spring out of a vacuum. There is, indeed, an urgent need to look into the lack of ethics in our ranks. But there is just as urgent – if not more – need to look into the equally serious lack of ethics among media owners and managements.

How can ethics take root and thrive when infotainment and ratings trump real information and public service, when media outfits knowingly hire the unqualified and unskilled because they are cheaper, when many media workers struggle to survive on less than the legal minimum and hardly any benefits, when a media outfit requires its workers to seek ads / or farms them out to clients, when stories are killed because they are deemed inimical to media owners or their allies, when block time continues to be sold to and bought by political and business interests to attack their foes?

The truth is, many of the travails faced by the working press spring from the same malevolent social, economic and political power structure that defines what passed for governance in our benighted land. Even as they often are the ones the oppressed turn to for help, journalists too are among the most oppressed.

Last week, several of our colleagues from a major television network found themselves suddenly jobless. As of our last count, there are already more than 250 of them retrenched. The reason given was “strategic streamlining” geared toward “increasing ratings and revenues.”

For me, for NUJP, for us who are campaigning to improve the condition of the working press and defend the right of the people to a free press – and let me make this very clear – this is not an issue of Kapuso, Kapamilya or Kapatid.

What we know is that it is something that can happen to any of us, any time. As in any industry, the drive to maximize earnings has come at the expense of the workers, leading to the erosion of job security and welfare, with contractualization increasingly becoming the norm, even in the largest media outfits.

Before I end, let me go back to Mary Jane. Reporting to netizens the reprieve that had been given to Mary Jane Veloso last night, the petition campaign platform change.org said in its website something that resonated in me. It said, “Miracles happen when people choose to stand for justice.”

This is now what journalists AND THE PUBLIC must do.

We, media workers, should close ranks and zealously defend our rights and welfare and the dignity of journalists and the press. In so doing, we are also defending our people whose right to information is our utmost priority. Together with the public, we choose to stand for the people’s rights.

The Ampatuan Files

PHILIPPINE regional trial court Judge Jocelyn Solis-Reyes has finally denied the petition for bail of Andal Ampatuan Sr., the principal suspect in the 2009 Ampatuan massacre that led to the death of 58 people, 32 of them journalists and media workers.

Andal Ampatuan Sr

‘AS AN important note, however, the ruling of the court is not in judgment of guilt or innocence of the accused which requires proof beyond reasonable doubt which is addressed during a full-blown trial,’ Judge Solis-Reyes adds in her ruling denying the bail petition of Andal Ampatuan Sr. | Photo from interaksyon.com

Reyes, who is hearing the murder charges against the accused, denied Ampatuan’s bail plea more than five years after charges were filed against the suspects in what is now considered as the single deadliest attack against members of the media.

“Wherefore in view of foregoing and finding that evidence of guilt of accused is strong the bail petitions filed by Datu Andal Ampatuan Sr. are hereby denied,” Reyes said in her ruling according to a report of gmanetwork.com.

How influential are the Ampatuans in Maguindanao province? How well-connected are they? In 2013, the PCIJ released its documentary “Angkan,” which explored clan politics in the southern Philippine province.

Angkan Inc., is a documentary produced by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism in an effort to understand the past, present, and future links that define the clans that have ruled Maguindanao province for centuries. Maguindanao is one of several province whose ruling clans have a long historical and cultural heritage. As such, the clans are seen as very much a part of Maguindanao culture. However, the clans have, over the decades, also intruded into the local and national political scene with the help of patrons in Manila who see their use in the gathering of votes.

And how wealthy is Andal Ampatuan Sr? What are his businesses? Interestingly, the PCIJ found out in 2011 that while Andal Sr declared in his statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth that he is a simple farmer, he and his son, Zaldy, own more than 65 properties scattered throughout Maguindanao, Cotabato City, Davao City, and even in ritzy Dasmariñas Village in Makati, home to many foreign embassies and a refuge of the country’s rich and famous.

“These real properties range from a two-hectare farm lot in Cotabato City, to magnificent structures in Davao City and Shariff Aguak that tower over the simple abodes of one of the country’s poorest provinces. One residential property in Davao City alone covers at least 4,000 square meters, and has a mansion that dwarfs other high-end homes with its opulence.” – An Anarchy of Mansions

Click on the photo to read the full story.

The tall gates conceal the mansion in Juna Subdivision, Davao City, that is owned by Andal Ampatuan Sr. | PCIJ File Photo

The tall gates conceal the mansion in Juna Subdivision, Davao City, that is owned by Andal Ampatuan Sr. | PCIJ File Photo

Tomorrow: The money of the Ampatuans in the banks and how they tried to secure amnesty for their guns.

Counting the fallen under PNoy

PHOTO from Mei Magsino's Facebook page

PHOTO from Mei Magsino’s Facebook page

IF Mei Magsino-Lubis’ case is counted, she will be the 32nd journalist killed under the administration of President Benigno S. Aquino III.

In 2005, Magsino-Lubis was classified by the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists as a “threatened” journalist.

“The warning followed a series of articles that Lubis has written on local corruption, including allegations that the governor, Armando Sanchez, has been involved in illegal gambling. She has also written reports investigating the May 30 murder of a provincial official who was investigating the governor’s activities.” – Committee to Protect Journalists, August 9, 2005

On November 20, 2013, the PCIJ published a two-part article for the fourth year of the Ampatuan Massacre, which showed that 23 journalists were killed in 40 months under PNoy, the worst case load under any Philippine president since 1986.

Fifty-two people were killed, 32 of them journalists and media workers, in the Ampatuan Massacre on November 23, 2009 – the highest death toll for journalists worldwide in a single incident.

Since November 2013, eight more journalists were killed in only 16 months, or an average of one journalist every two months.

In fact, during Aquino’s first 40 months in office, from July 2010 to October 2013, at least 23 journalists were killed, among them 16 radio broadcasters and seven print journalists. It is a trail of blood redder, thicker, and worse compared to the number of work-related media murders per year under four other presidents before him, including his late mother Corazon ‘Cory’ C. Aquino and his immediate predecessor Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

Of these 23 media-killing cases, half are already dead in the water because of failure by police investigators to identify or arrest suspects. Only four are in the trial stage. Twelve of the murder cases have no charges filed against anyone yet, while the remaining seven are still in the level of the public prosecutor or the Department of Justice (DOJ) for the determination of probable cause. In other words, less than a fifth of the media murder cases have moved beyond the investigation phase.

PCIJ-Figure.-Media-murder-and-PHL-presidents.-Nov-2013

For sure, part of the problem lies with a criminal justice system that is in need of a serious overhaul. But there is also no doubt that for so long as the Aquino administration continues to lack clear and unequivocal policy directions on media killings, the trail of blood will only get longer.

“The killings are being encouraged by the fact that of the killers of journalists, no mastermind has been tried or punished,” says former University of the Philippines College of Mass Communications Dean Luis Teodoro, now a trustee of the Freedom Fund for Filipino Journalists (FFFJ).

“What is disappointing is that we were hoping (for better) under President Aquino, son of the two icons of democracy,” says Rowena Paraan, chairperson of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP).

“He ran under a platform of anticorruption, transparency, and human rights,” she says. “We were thinking na magkakaroon ng political will and decisive action to address the killings, not only of the media, but also of the activists, priests, and lawyers.”

Click on the image below to read the full article.

PCIJ-Table.-Media-murders-PHL-Presidents.-Nov-2013

When top cops tweet and chirp

“Interestingly for a senior cop with apparently little time on his hands, Garbo is also trailing innumerable Twitter accounts that belong to inhabitants of the entertainment and sports world here and overseas. Among them are Victoria’s Secret, Rhian Ramos, Phil Younghusband. LeBron James, Oprah Winfrey, Disney World, Jennifer Lopez, Emma Watson, Avril Lavigne, Gary Valenciano, Taylor Swift, NBA, Jodi Sta Maria, Yeng Constantino, Georgina Wilson, Valerie Concepcion, KC Concepcion, Luis Manzano, Camille Pratts, Bianca Gonzales, Sunshine Cruz, Mylene Dizon, Iza Calzado, Zsa Zsa Padilla, Daniel Padilla, Megan Young, Solenn Heusaff, Isabelle Daza, Andie Eigenmann, Rachelle Ann Go, Sam Pinto, Richard Gutierrez, Angel Locsin, Rocco Nacino, Anne Curtis-Smith, Bianca King, Sarah Lahbati, Alden Richards, LJ Reyes, Lovi Poe. Ryza Cenon, Isabel Oli, Michelle Madrigal, Sheena Halili, and Bea Binene.”

By Malou Mangahas

TOP COPS, teeny tweeps?

Yes, the most senior officials of the Philippine National Police have joined the ranks of newbies on Twitterlandia.

Welcome three Twitter teens from the PNP top brass: Benjamin Magalong, Marcelo Garbo and Alan L. Purisima.

Purisima is the suspended PNP general who recently resigned from his director general post. Magalong and Garbo are among the top contenders to succeed him.

Of the three, Magalong seems to be the most shy in Twitter. Purisima and Garbo in comparison have racked up quite intriguing Twitter trails. One of them has even revealed a keen interest in showbiz and sports.

(Two other officials reported to be in the running to be top cop, Raul Petrasanta and Ricardo Marquez, do not seem to have Twitter accounts.)

Benjamin Magalong, director of the Criminal Investigation and Detection Group and chair of the PNP Board of Inquiry on the Mamasapano incident:

SCREENGRAB from @benjiemagalong Twitter page

SCREENGRAB from @benjiemagalong Twitter page

@benjiemagalong posted his first tweet, “Testy tweet @CIDG_PIO” on May 11, 2014. He has since pushed 55 more, but it has been months since his latest, which was on Oct. 7, 2014.

Magalong’s Twitter handle features only six photos and video mostly about his visits or meetings with CIDG field units, while one showed him with former senator Panfilo M. Lacson.

He has 1,308 followers and follows 125 tweeps, including 17 who he has tagged as his favorites. Among these are the Twitter handles of Purisima, DILG Secretary Mar Roxas, President Benigno S. Aquino III, Vice President Jejomar C. Binay, Official Gazette PH, Deped, the Department of Transportation and Communications (DOTC), various PNP and CIDG units, and major media agencies.

Alan L. Purisima, former director general of the PNP:

SCREENGRAB from @AlanLPurisima Twitter page

SCREENGRAB from @AlanLPurisima Twitter page

@AlanLPurisima describes himself as “The Chief, Philippine National Police” on Twitter. He is also on Facebook, https://www.facebook.com/ala.purisima.

Purisima has pushed 270 tweets, has 16,500 followers, follows 41 tweeps, and has tagged 21 accounts among his “favorites.” He has posted 48 photos and videos.

Purisima had his Twitter debut on July 18, 2013 with this message: “Serbisyong Makatotohanan Para sa Bayan.”

He followed that same day with a second one: “Follow me at @AlanLPurisima”

His latest tweet moved on Dec. 9, 2014 stating, “Press Statement: DILG Implementation of Preventive Suspension Order against PNP Chief Purisima is Illegal. full text here http://bit.ly/1yylNwM ” He uploaded the file on Scribd.

Amid news reports about his allegedly unexplained wealth, Purisima used his Twitter page to air his side between September and December 2014:

* “Hinding hindi po ako papayag na manalo ang katiwalian. Ipagpapatuloy ko ang paglilingkod sa bayan at sa pagsira ng walang kabuluhang gawain”
* “…at dumudungis sa pangalan at reputasyon ng kapulisan. Kaya naman po hindi na tayo nagulat na sadya tayong sinisiraan…
* “Patuloy din ang pag-imbestiga sa tinatawag nating ‘scalawag’ sa serbisyo. Hindi natin kinukunsinti ang kanilang mga gawaing nakakasira…
* “Hindi po natin palalagpasin ang mga gawaing ganito. Ipararamdam natin sa kanila (kampon ng kasamaan) ang bigat ng kanilang mga ginawa.
* “Hindi rin natin sasantuhin ang ating kabaro na tumiwalag sa tungkulin at pinili na maging kampon ng kasamaan…hindi po natin palalagpasin
* “Mga kababayan, tandaan po natin na kapag tinatama natin ang anumang kamalian, papalag ang mga nakikinabang sa lumang kalakaran”
* “Smear campaign meant to block reforms at PNP” http://bit.ly/1ozl2iY
* “Kung may alam po kayong iba pang katiwalian sa inyong PNP, isumbong nyo po sa akin. Patutunayan ko sa inyo na hindi ako puro salita lamang.”
* “At makakaasa ang ating mga kababayan na hindi natin palulusutin ang ganitong mga kontrata kahit kailan..”
* “…pati pa rin ang mga (pekeng) permit to carry outside of reaidence. Ipinatigil ko na rin ito. Hindi natin palulusutin ang ganito…”
* “May sindikato din na yumayaman dahil sa kontratang di pabor sa gobyerno. Kaakibat nito ang paglalabas ng pekeng ID cards ng security guards”
* “Kung gusto ninyong magkaroon ng baril sa legal na paraan, kailangan pong humarap sa Firearms & Explosives Division. May proseso po tayo.”
* “Hindi na uubra ang mga modus operandi nila. Yan ang pinatigil ko at patuloy kong babantayan, kahit sino pa ang tamaan.”
* “Hinding-hindi po ako papayag na magkaganoon (business as usual ng sindikato at may raket) Hindi na uubra ang mga modus operandi nila.”

The speeches and activities of President Aquino occupied significant space on Purisima’s Twitter accounts, as well as notes about better days Purisima had shared with Interior and Local Government Secretary Manuel “Mar” Roxas II. For instance:

• “113th Police Service Anniversary with @noynoyaquino and @MARoxas”
• “Press conference with SILG @MARoxas regarding PNP’s Oplan Lambat to reduce crime incidence today at NHQ lobby”

A slew of self-promotion tweets came in, too:

• “Courtesy call of Mr. Lamont Siller, the new Legal Attache of the U.S. Embassy yesterday at Camp Crame”
• “Received the 4th Trailblazer Award for the PNP, towards a highly capable, effective&credible police force last Friday”
• “Proceeds of the 1st CPNP Alan L Purisima Shooting Cup donated to PSSA received by Gov. Teng Mangudadatu-Pres. PPSA”
• “Be part of the CHIEF PNP ALAN LM PURISIMA CUP: World Shoot XVII Qualifier Match IPSC-PPSA LEVEL III on Feb. 5-9, 2014″

As for his “favorites,” Purisima tagged the Twitter accounts of Sen. Grace Poe, President Aquino, Binay, Roxas, Presidential Spokesman Edward Lacierda and his deputy Abigail Valte, DOTC, Meralco, Department of Health, Department of Science and Technology, Department of Education, various PNP units, and major print and broadcast media agencies.

Manuel Garbo, chief of PNP Directorial Staff:

SCREENGRAB from PNP-OTCDS Twitter page

SCREENGRAB from PNP-OTCDS Twitter page

@PNP_OTCDS is a hybrid official and personal account. Below the Twitter name PNP TCDS is this description: “OTCDS is home to the PNP’s #4 man, The Chief of the Directorial Staff, PDDG Marcelo Poyaoan Garbo Jr., NHQ-PNP, Camp Crame, QC.”

Garbo has logged 198 tweets, has 6,444 followers, and is following a huge number of 1,644 Twitter accounts. He has tagged 27 “favorite” tweeps, and has posted 132 photos and video.

Garbo’s most recent post was on Feb. 22, 2015 with a photo to boot: “Courtesy call of Mr International, PO2 Mariano Flormata aka Neil Perez to TCDS.”

A most prolific tweep, Garbo’s posts are a mix of official family, fun, friends, and leisure concerns. Among his tweets:

• “Sharing laughter with friends from the Cebu media”
• “Visit of Korean diver friends from Cebu”
• “DIPOs you will monitor the Tweets of RDs, PDs & CDs. Why? Frm this, you will know who is working & not working.”
• “Cascading CPNPs directive on the use of Twitter to DIPO Ex-Os, PIO, DPCR, PCRG & NOC.”
• “Turnover of 25 state-of-the-art portable radios frm Motorola Solutions Phils to the PNP.”
• “2014 BOSS IRONMAN CHALLENGE IX”
• “A visit by friends from the Filipino Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry”
• “With Members of the Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry.”
• “Let us maximize the use of twitter. This is a way to show that we are working.”
• “Selling twitter to focal persons of ISA.”
• “Whiteboard session. Commanders must also dedicate time to mentor his men, not only to teach but also to sync thoughts.”
• “Ceremonial tee-off of Mayor Aldong Parojinog Golf Tournament at Ozamis Ozamis City.”
• “The police should do more than just enforce the law, they should be forward thinkers and community movers to effectively prevent crimes.”
• “do you know that PNP PIPS has 3 components: Goal Setting, Submission of Detailed Security Plans, & Periodic Review & Assessment”
• “PATROL stands for “Peace and Order Agenda for Transformation and upholding of the Rule-Of- Law”

The first Twitter account Garbo followed was that of his former boss and classmate, Alan L. Purisima.

A MISHMASH of accounts. The Twitter pages being followed by the PNP-OTCDS and Dir. Marcelo Garbo

A MISHMASH of accounts. The Twitter pages being followed by the PNP-OTCDS and Dir. Marcelo Garbo

These days, Garbo is following 1,644 Twitter accounts. They make for a long, eclectic list that does not seem to belong to a star-rank toughie of the PNP.

The serious and the heavyweight include PNP, government, and Twitter handles of local and international media (among them ABS-CBN, GMA7, RTVM, Inquirer, Philippine Star, Candy magazine, Yes! Magazine, Preview, Gmanews Online, Bayan mo, Ipatrol mo, Rappler, as well as TV shows like “SONA,” “24Oras,” “Saksi,”, “Umagang Kayganda,” “Interaksyon,” and “Bandila,” and CNN, Reuters, Washington Post, and New York Times), as well as that of U.S. President Barack Obama and business tycoons Bill Gates and Manny V. Pangilinan.

He is also following SAF, Smart, Yahoo! Phils, Twitter Phils, Climate Change Commission, Philippine Army, Bongbong Marcos, , Cebu Pacific, Globe Telecom, Sony Phils, Caltex Phils, the Liberal Party, NAPC, Huawei Enteprise, DAR, Cheche Lazaro, Senate, DFASpokesman, PCGG, NUJP, Namfrel, Deutsche Bank. H&M Phils, SM cinema, Highway Patrol Group, UN development, various PNP units, PCSDPO, DOTC, PNP-PIO, among others.

Interestingly for a senior cop with apparently little time on his hands, Garbo is also trailing innumerable Twitter accounts that belong to inhabitants of the entertainment and sports world here and overseas. Among them are Victoria’s Secret, Rhian Ramos, Phil Younghusband. LeBron James, Oprah Winfrey, Disney World, Jennifer Lopez, Emma Watson, Avril Lavigne, Gary Valenciano, Taylor Swift, NBA, Jodi Sta Maria, Yeng Constantino, Georgina Wilson, Valerie Concepcion, KC Concepcion, Luis Manzano, Camille Pratts, Bianca Gonzales, Sunshine Cruz, Mylene Dizon, Iza Calzado, Zsa Zsa Padilla, Daniel Padilla, Megan Young, Solenn Heusaff, Isabelle Daza, Andie Eigenmann, Rachelle Ann Go, Sam Pinto, Richard Gutierrez, Angel Locsin, Rocco Nacino, Anne Curtis-Smith, Bianca King, Sarah Lahbati, Alden Richards, LJ Reyes, Lovi Poe. Ryza Cenon, Isabel Oli, Michelle Madrigal, Sheena Halili, and Bea Binene. – PCIJ, March 2015

Backstory: Top cops gone awry

By Rowena F. Caronan

FINGERS ARE crossed that whoever becomes the next Director General of the Philippine National Police (PNP) would not also become a magnet of controversies like many of his predecessors.

In fact, of the four PNP heads who have served under President Benigno S. Aquino III, only one – Nicanor A. Bartolome – managed to bow out of service scandal-free. The rest somehow became entangled in controversies that rocked their leadership of an institution tasked to enforce the law and maintain peace and order.

PNP’s most recent chief, Alan L.M. Purisima, resigned last February 6 amid the investigation on the Mamasapano incident.

Purisima had the longest tenure as PNP director general post under Aquino, a distinction that is likely to remain until Aquino’s own term as President ends. Purisima’s more than two years as PNP chief, however, has been marred with numerous controversies – starting with his appointment on December 18, 2012.

His immediate predecessor, Bartolome, had been asked to relinquish his post three months ahead of his mandatory retirement on March 16, 2013. The reason for Bartolome’s early retirement, Malacañang said, was to have a smooth transition of the tasks of the PNP head to whoever was appointed and for preparations for the May 2013 elections to proceed without hitches. After all, the election ban on appointments would begin March 29, 2013 – too close to Bartolome’s mandatory retirement date.

Bartolome had initially planned to go on “non-duty” status before end-2012 while holding on to his four-star rank until March to obtain full retirement benefits. The four-star rank, however, is the highest title in PNP and held by only one police official. This meant that until Bartolome retired, his replacement, Purisima, would remain a three-star official and on the same rank as some of his subordinates.

Both Bartolome and Purisima are known long-time shooting buddies of President Aquino. During the term of the President’s mother, Cory Aquino, Bartolome and Purisima had been members of the Presidential Security Group assigned to protect the Aquino family.

Bartolome eventually agreed to early retirement, enabling Purisima to obtain the highest rank in the PNP upon his installation into office. Following his appointment, Purisima promised to walk the path of Aquino’s “Daang Matuwid,” saying his administration would not tolerate erring and corrupt police officers.

He spelled out his plans for the PNP through a program called “CODE-P: 2013,” which stood for competence, organizational development, discipline, excellence and professionalism. He continued the Individual Performance Scorecard (IP Scorecard), which served as performance monitoring and evaluation mechanism that became the basis for sanctioning or rewarding a police officer. In October 2013, Purisima relieved police officers in Western Visayas and Central Luzon for alleged inaccurate reporting of crime statistics in their jurisdiction. He also relieved the police officers involved in the rubout in Antimonan, Quezon in December of the same year.

Since March 2014, however, it has been downhill for Purisima. The first blows were graft and plunder complaints about a multi-million-peso contract that the PNP signed with the Werfast Documentation Agency Inc. to deliver gun permits. Werfast was allegedly charging overpriced and substandard service. According to the complainant, Werfast was not in the Department of Transportation and Communication’s (DOTC’s) list of authorized courier service; moreover, the company allegedly secured its certificate of incorporation only three months after the deal had been made in May 2011.

News reports later quoted Purisima as admitting that the contract did not undergo a public bidding since the PNP would not pay for the courier fees. By December 2014, his involvement in the anomalous contract would become the basis for the Ombudsman to order a six-month preventive suspension on him and other police officers.

In June 2014, Purisima was also questioned for spending P25 million for the renovation of his official residence or the “White House” at Camp Crame. Indirect bribery charges were filed against him in September for supposedly accepting gifts from his Mason brothers, who donated funds that were used for the renovation. In addition, he was slapped with graft and plunder charges for his alleged untruthful declaration of the value of a multi-million-peso property in Nueva Ecija, as well as the absence in his Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth of a 10-hectare piece of land in Talisay, Batangas that he is said to own. Purisima has denied owning the Batangas property.

More recently, Purisima found himself at the center of the Senate investigation on the Mamasapano tragedy. He was lambasted for allegedly meddling in the operations of the PNP Special Action Force (SAF) team on January 25, 2015 in the remote Maguindanao town even while on a preventive suspension. On that day, SAF troopers had an unexpected clash or “misencounter” with members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) during a mission to capture terrorist Zulkifli bin Hir (also known as Marwan) and bomb-maker Abdul Basit Usman. The Mamasapano clash claimed the lives of 44 SAF officers, 18 MILF members, and five civilians.

In previous occasions, President Aquino, upon being questioned by the media, had repeatedly defended Purisima. But on February 6, Aquino announced on live television that he had accepted Purisima’s resignation. Purisima’s mandatory retirement, however, is on November 21, 2015 yet.

The Mamasapano tragedy is one of the two largest botched operations of the PNP under Aquino’s term. The first took place on Aug. 23, 2010, during which the apparent mishandling of police operations led to the death of eight Hong Kong nationals being held hostage by a dismissed police officer. The hostage-taker was also killed in the incident.

The hostage crisis, which earned the country international shame and infamy, involved then outgoing PNP director general Jesus A. Verzosa.

Versoza had already resigned by the time the report of the Incident Investigation and Review Committee on the hostage crisis came out in September 2010. Even while Versoza was identified as one of the culpable parties, no legal action was taken against him and other high-ranking officials, including then Interior and Local Government Undersecretary Rico E. Puno. Puno was known to be the President’s close ally.

Verzosa was named PNP chief in September 2008 by then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He remained in his post until September 2010 or about three months after Aquino took office. Yet even after his retirement, Verzosa still made headlines, along with his successor, Raul M. Bacalzo, as one of the alleged recipients of multi-million-peso monthly jueteng payola. Both denied the allegations.

Bacalzo re-implemented a one-strike policy on jueteng and illegal gambling activities immediately after his appointment in September 2010. Under the policy, PNP commanders would face relief if illegal activities remained active in their jurisdiction. Bacalzo also banned police officials from playing golf during office hours to improve the PNP’s image.

By the time his term ended in September 2011, Bacalzo had ordered the removal of the PNP logistics director and other officials as chairman and members of the Bids and Awards Committee that was involved in the anomalous procurement of choppers in 2009. His office also conducted a probe on the irregular repairs of light armored vehicles in 2007.

Bacalzo’s tenure as PNP chief, however, was marked by a rash of car thefts, bus bombings, and alleged ambushes of the National People’s Army (NPA). Yet, in a statement posted on the PNP website, the country’s crime rate supposedly decreased under Bacalzo’s leadership.

Bacalzo was Aquino’s first appointee in the PNP. Although he led the institution briefly, he is the only one so far who served until his mandatory retirement, which was on September 9, 2011.

Succeeding Bacalzo was Bartolome, who hails from the President’s ancestral hometown, Tarlac. Before his selection as PNP chief, Bartolome was popularly known as the face and mouthpiece of the organization, serving as such under several PNP director generals.

Bartolome headed the PNP for 15 months, from September 2011 to December 2012. He is remembered for securing funding for the construction of various PNP hospitals, including those built in Camp Martin Delgado in Iloilo City and Camp Rafael C. Rodriguez in Butuan City. His success in securing projects from the Department of Health, however, is credited largely to his having a wife – Dr. Noemi Bartolome – working there. – PCIJ, March 2015