President Duterte’s war on crime: A nuclear explosion of violence

By Atty. Jose Manuel ‘Chel’ I. Diokno
National Chairman, Free Legal Assistance Group
Trustee, Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

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PRESIDENT DUTERTE’S war on crime has spawned a nuclear explosion of violence that is spiraling out of control and creating a nation without judges, without law, and without reason.

Do we really want to give the man with the gun the power to judge who are criminals and to kill them?

To decide who is bad and who is good, who deserves to live and who deserves to die? We might as well disband our courts, dissolve the Department of Justice, and abolish Congress. For there really is no need for law when the barrel of the gun dispenses justice.

The bandwagon that the President has created is a bandwagon of hate – a mob mentality that not only condones but encourages the taking of lives “because they deserve it.”

Yes, drug pushers destroy lives. Yes, criminals behave like animals. But are those who kill them any better? And will the killing stop there?

Our people have seen what a mob can do in the hands of a tyrant who knows no law but his own. Lest we forget, the first person that Marcos executed was a drug pusher. But did he stop there? By the time he was ousted, he was responsible for killing thousands upon thousands of people whose only fault was their belief in justice, the rule of law, and human rights.

President Duterte, do not kill in my name. That is not your mandate, that is not what you were elected for. Yes, go after the drug cartels and criminal syndicates, the corrupt, the criminals among us. But do it as an officer of the law you have sworn to uphold as a lawyer and a President. — July 8, 2016

Duterte Revisited: What he said in 2001 about drugs, vigilantes

By Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews

Duterte Revisited

DAVAO CITY (MindaNews / 29 June) — Days before President-elect Rodrigo Roa Duterte declared a boycott of the media on June 2, 2016, MindaNews had asked the first Mindanawon to govern this country of 100.98 million, for a sit-down interview, as it had asked him in the past, on major issues confronting this city of 1.63 million.

Arrangements were made with Christopher Lawrence “Bong” Go, Duterte’s Executive Assistant, for “A Day with the President-elect” where the interview would be done after lunch (which is usually when his day begins) and the MindaNews team would follow him in his next schedules until his day would end at dawn.

June 2, however, turned out to be his last press conference. Immediately thereafter, journalists (national, international, and yes, local) were barred from entering the compound of the Department of Public Works and Highways in Panacan, where the Presidential Guesthouse (dubbed under the Arroyo administration as “Malacañang of the South” and now popularly referred to as “Panacañang”) is located.

When he will lift his boycott, no one can say for now. He has repeatedly said in speeches after June 2 that he would not talk to media until the end of his six-year term.

In lieu of what would have been a Q and A that MindaNews would have published in the run-up to his oath-taking as President, we are re-publishing this Q and A done in November 2001, shortly after Duterte announced in his Sunday TV program, “Gikan sa Masa, Para sa Masa” (From the Masses, For the Masses), the names of 500 persons who he said could help the city in its fight against drugs. At the time of the interview, at least four of those on the list had been killed or ended up dead. Another 17 suspected drug pushers and celfone snatchers, four of them minors, were eventually slain soon after.

Between 2001 and 2016, Duterte had been investigated several times by the Commission on Human Rights, including a 2009 probe by then CHR chair and now Senator Leila de Lima, and other international human rights groups. But no charges have been filed against him.

Fifteen years had lapsed since MindaNews ran this interview with Duterte, who prefers to be called “Mayor of the Philippines” instead of “President.”

In his own words, here is Mayor-President Rodrigo Roa Duterte, interviewed in 2001 but speaking like he does today.
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Duterte Revisited: What he said in 2001
By Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews
First of Three Parts

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28 November 2001: “Pinaka-unfair sa lahat ng krimen ang drugs”
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MANY in Davao City were “shocked,” to say the least, to see their controversial mayor on national television late Tuesday night last week, talking tough (his expletives unedited), toting a gun and kicking the corpse of a suspected drug pusher reportedly killed by the vigilante group, “Davao Death Squad” (DDS).

Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, 56, knew he’d be featured on “The Probe Team” but didn’t watch it, claiming he doesn’t want to watch himself on TV or listen to the radio.

Duterte has repeatedly said he doesn’t give a damn what his critics say about him. But among millions of viewers that Tuesday night, the only person whose feedback he cared about was Sara, his only daughter who is studying Law in Manila.

“She said it was bad enough that the expletives I uttered were not edited… She said ‘you were portrayed somehow as being linked to the DDS by the way you framed your answers,'” Duterte said.

“I was quick to point out to my daughter that if it’s a matter of government abetting the killings or having sponsored the slayings or encouraged or had taken initiatives, it’s absolutely false because the mayorship or I had nothing to do with it. Pero sinasakyan ko… because to be really truthful and honest about it, I would rather see criminals dead than innocent victims die, being killed senselessly.”

He then cited several cases of killings by people, including minors, under the influence of drugs.

Last month, Duterte announced in his Sunday TV show the names of 500 people whom he said could help the city in its fight against drugs. At least four of those on the list had been killed or ended up dead.

At least 17 suspected drug pushers and celfone snatchers, four of them minors, were killed by suspected vigilantes last month. Since 1995, at least 150 persons have been reported to have been felled by the vigilantes.

That his name is being linked with the DDS does not seem to bother Duterte.

A government prosecutor (from 1977 to 1986), Duterte was named OIC Vice Mayor of Davao City in 1986, was mayor from 1988 to 1998, moved on to become congressman of the first district and reclaimed the mayoralty this year.

The day after “The Probe Team” featured the vigilante killings, Davao Archbishop Fernando Capalla wrote a pastoral letter, “Thou shall not kill,” made public last Sunday through the masses in all parishes. The letter finally broke the “long silence” of the Church on the vigilante killings in the city.

But who are the vigilantes? Is Duterte behind them? Is he their godfather?

Duterte sat down with MindaNews’ Carolyn O. Arguillas one evening last week to answer these and more.

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Excerpts from the interview follow:

Q. Why did you make that list public?
A. I was appealing to the patriotism, the civic spirit I might rekindle in the minds, hearts of these people. (Also) to put them on guard (that) we know something about you (so) you stop it. Second, the community must know. For example, neighbor mo..

Q. But it’s being viewed as witchhunting. A number of those on the list…
A. No it’s not withchunting. There was a process that we followed. Of the five families who were outraged by my announcement and who came to me really angry, after I showed them the proof…. yung isa gusto pa nya suntukin sa harap ko yung anak nya… Besides, I laid the predicate in my announcement. I said I’d like to mention the names of persons here in the city… who can be of help to us if they would just be patriotic enough to help government and try to save the generations from being devastated by drugs.

Q. But the list, it is said, spared the rich, that most of those on the list are poor, a number of them minors…
A. It’s not a matter of minor or a person of age. That’s what I was trying to explain to ‘The Probe Team.’ Because..that guy who shot and killed that girl (whose celfone was snatched inside a taxi), he was only 17. When the mind is devastated by drugs, the age doesn’t really make a difference, whether you are 17, 50 or 70. When you go crazy, you go crazy. (Age) does not count anymore. Most of these are aged 18, 19, either sinasaksak nila yung mga estudyante dyan … or binabaril….

Q. I think one of the reasons why you are being linked to the DDS is because the killings stopped during the term of (then Mayor Benjamin) de Guzman and returned when you came back.
A. Hindi baya. Remember that de Guzman filed a case against this priest because he declared to the world that de Guzman is the head of a death squad that at that time killed two snatchers? I hope that they would temper their conclusions about me. Pero kung sabihin mo na naawa ako (sa victims), sinabi ko naman eh, do not ask for a tear. I never shed tears for mga ganong klaseng tao.

Q. Is that the solution? Finishing them off?
A. No it’s not. Killing can never be the solution to what ails this country.

Q. What’s the solution?
A. ..we have to try to mature as a nation and add more policemen. For example, for the city of Davao, so I can patrol and build a case against them individually, I would need about 5,000 policemen which we cannot have, and improve police methods, yung mga night vision and maybe listening devices which unfortunately we cannot afford for the next 10 years or so.

Duterte on Killings

Q. There was a dialogue between teenage gang members and some legislators. The teeners said some of them got hooked to drugs because of policemen pushing drugs, that they became indebted to the policemen so they became user-pusher.
A. I do not know of any policeman direkta na ganon. But if (there) is, then he’s a dead policeman…

Q. A UN agency on drug control has said the city government should..
A. I don’t give a sh_t what they say. I don’t have a treaty with them.

Q. You’re not bothered about people refering to you as the godfather of DDS?
A. No. Because it’s not true. So if the truth will set you free, I am free because there is no such thing as a government-sponsored killing in the city.

Q. Who are the vigilantes?
A. I really do not know. A guy who went public in a newspaper interview said he’s a former rebel and he claims it is composed of former rebels and policemen. I even suffered a rebuke (that the) mayor is putting up a time limit that is not realistic. So may timetable pala sila… their own timetable.

Q. If you’re saying it’s not you, then who’s behind these vigilantes?
A. Yung mga tatay na hindi tumatanggap ng ganon. Maybe they were just waiting for somebody na kakampi nila dyan who also nurtures this kind of outrage sa drugs…

Q. Rich?
A. Maybe. You cannot move if you do not have the money. In all probability, these are people who have the means to pay (the vigilantes) at kung totoo yung sinasabi ng lumabas sa newspaper, maybe yung may tinamaan talaga (yung mga anak)… Ako personally, personally ha — not as mayor because may oath of office ka pagka mayor ka, you protect the Constitution, follow the Constitution, protect everyone’s rights — but if I were an ordinary citizen of this city tapos tinamaan ang anak ko, maybe ganon din ang gagawin ko. Talagang hihirit ako, put–nang yan hihiritan ko yan. I mean it’s not really fair. It’s not fair… Rich or poor, ang lahat ng efforts mo sa buhay nandon sa anak mo… Lahat tayo, corny man pakinggan, we do not even live, we exist for our children…. lahat ng efforts mo, pera mo nandoon sa bata, eskuela …… Mas gusto ko pa yang kidnapping pati hold-up. Ikidnap mo anak ko, isauli mo lang, maghingi ka ng pera, babayaran kita, then the next time I will just really guard my children with my life… Put–na itong drugs, pagsinabit mo ang anak ko, I have lost the child forever. He loses his mind, he loses his future…you leave with me a goddamn criminal in the making, kasi pag wala nang pera, wala nang manakaw sa akin, magnanakaw yan sa iba, maghoholdup sa iba, magre-rape yan, maghohostage… Pinaka-unfair sa lahat ng krimen ang drugs. Meron pa dito sa Davao, hindi ko lang sabihin ang (pangalan), well-to-do, ni-rape nya yung sister, pinasok nya sa kwarto, pag pasok ng tatay pati nanay, tinutukan nya ng (cal.) 45 na baril… I’m sure pag nabasa nya (ito), malaman nya na alam ko.

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DUTERTE REVISITED: What he said in 2001

By Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews
Second of Three Parts

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29 November 2001: “I will even shoot my son in front of you”
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Q. They’re saying your son, your relatives are also involved in drugs.
A. ..Pati ako raw… Nag-research ako, and I studied the matter very carefully, seriously. Sinabi ko sa anak ko (Paolo), ‘wag na wag kang pumasok dyan sa put–nang droga na yan kasi gagawain kitang example. Kung kaya kong mag-resign (nung) nanuntok ka lang, kaya kitang patayin kung…hiyain mo ako.’ I resigned (as congressman) for a very trivial reason…. nanuntok (ang anak ko) ng security guard tapos inatake ako kay hindi maka-file (ng kaso) kasi daw congresman ang tatay….di mag-resign tayo so you can file charges. Unfortunately, nobody accepted my resignation but I was ready to go down.

This time I’m ready. Just produce a credible and true witness (that my son is involved in drugs) and I’m going to resign as mayor of Davao City and I will shoot my son in front of you. Siguraduhin mo lang yan kay pag hindi, ikaw talaga babarilin ko. Yan ang trade off ko sa iyo. I will resign from the mayorship anytime. I don’t have any illusions dyan sa mayor mayor na ‘yan. I can always run again and win. I can sacrifice a few years. I can lose my child. Dalawa yang anak ko (na lalaki). May mga apo na ako na lalaki. I can lose (my son)…. Ngayon kung maniwala yung mga tao (that my son is into drugs) bahala ka. My son is there, you can ask him to go for a drug test .. but I will not insult my son by asking him publicly so kung sino yung interesado, kausapin ninyo anak ko. Just produce a true, credible witness against my son and I will resign. And I will even shoot him in front of you.

Q. Were you ever asked by Malacanang about the vigilante killings here?
A. Wala. Well, I know my style. In this game, you cannot afford to (be on) low profile (because if you do that), walang mangyari… Look at the three years (1998-2001). What did it produce? A very resurgent drug situation. So I had to go back all over again. Kaya nga sinabi ko kay (Local Governments) Sec. (Joey) Lina when they offered me the regional chairmanship of the Peace and Order Council — now I can make this public — I declined… Sabi ko, ‘maghanap na lang kayo (ng iba) dyan because you might not like my style. I have my own style of doing it.’ Sabi nila, ‘well as long as your style is legal and good then proceed.’ Sabagay, legal gud talaga yang ginagawa ko..

Q. Let me go back to the solution. Maturing as a people takes so long. What is the immediate solution?
A. I think we would require from kindergarten (to) college, a lecture everyday on the evil of drugs..

Q. Where is the supply of illegal drugs here coming from?
A. Cotabato and Marawi but we suspect that there’s a factory nearby which I’m not at liberty to divulge to you right now.

Q. Within the city?
A. No. Peripheral cities.

Q. Shabu?
A. .this guy who’s manufacturing it knows that I know and a lot of us in the law enforcement know.

Q. So how come you’re not raiding it if you know…
A. Well, one of these days, kung na-DDS yan, ah hindi ako yan..

Q. .. if you know, why don’t you go after him?
A. Because you have to have evidence. You cannot just approach him anywhere and everywhere. May militia ito na sarili nya. Ganyan man talaga yang mga druglords na big-time. Ito ang pinaka. As a matter of fact, pag ito ang nakuha ko, puede na akong mag-retire pagka mayor..

Q. How bad is the problem of drugs here?
A. Very bad. Look at the list of 500… validated yan, 250 of them have been convicted, on parole or on bail. Yan ngang mahirap sa problema sa drugs…kasi pag-evaluate, assess na kung puede ba sya sa probation, good behavior is enough….automatic ang probation…. paglabas, babalik na naman (sa droga).

Q. What about rehabilitation? You don’t believe in rehab?
A. Wala tayo dito… next year baka maghingi ako kay Presidente… for a rehab dito sa Davao, regional (rehabilitation center). Because a rehab for that kind of, actually it’s a sickness eh, you would need a prison. Otherwise mag-eskapo yan.

Q. A prison?
A. Because when they are caught, they are not tried (in court)… they now opt to be treated… pag nilagay mo yan sa bintana na walang (rehas), a manibat na. Preso gyud na. Presohin mo talaga.

Duterte on Son

Q. How big will your rehabilitation center be?
A. …maybe I would need a facility good for 300 persons. Hindi halfway house. It’s really a rehab center and it’s almost like a prison.

Q. But rehab centers now don’t go into preso-preso..
A. Ah magsibat yan. Remember I was prosecutor for 11 years before I became a mayor. Sisibat yan…

Q. You were seen on TV kicking the corpse of..
A. Review again. Review again.

Q. I saw you on TV.
A. Nah, nah. May granada yon. Ano ako, gago, mag-upo ako..eh pag pumutok yan sa mukha ko?.. Kaya binaligtad ko yung katawan, nakita mo yung granada?

…Review the footage again, please. Hindi ako ganon kagago na may camera na magsipa. Ginanon ko kasi sabi, ‘Sir, ma-o nang gagunit ug granada.’

Q. In the meantime that the vigilantes are busy, what is your police doing?
A. Maybe they are also going after the vigilantes. Excuse me ha, yung footage na yon sayop yun. Tingnan mo uli. Binaligtad ko yung katawan because may granada. Eh kung mag-upo ako tapos ganunin ko yung katawan ko eh kung puputok yon? Mabuti nakatindig, at least pag nakita mo yung granada, di mulukso ka…

Q. October was the month of the killings. What was the feedback direct to you? More criticisms? More praises?
A. I don’t give a sh-t. I don’t give a sh-t whether they are for or against me. I was elected by the people after I promised them that I would go after kidnappers, druglords, drug pushers, holduppers and rapists… That’s already a non-issue to me. What they say for or against me, I don’t give a damn, I don’t give a sh-t. Tapos na yan. What I should do now is to honor my commitment because the people voted for me on the basis of my commitment and my promise to them… All things come naturally, infrastructure, public works. You can project the things you need. Crime? Can you project how many people will be contaminated by drugs, how many will be killed, how many girls will be raped?

Q. What’s the drug profile here like? Does it cut across..
A. Malala dito. Even professionals…Hayun, nasira ang mga pamilya.

Q. You said you’re not behind it but “sinasakyan” mo lang. But due process requires.
A. Due process is the thing that I should be following when I do it. Alam mo itong mga vigilantes….and it is really true for any human behavior…. sabihin mo ‘wag mong gawin yan,’ pag gusto nyang gawin, gagawin man talaga nya yan. Sabihin mo ‘hoy mga gago, mga buang, gawin nyo ito’ tapos ayaw naman nilang gawin, wala. So bahala kayo. Pag nahuli, sige, go ahead, kayong mga drug pushers, magtago na kayo, may mga gago on the loose pero kung mahuli ko kayong mga vigilantes, then that’s it. You also go to prison.

Q. You’re not gonna shoot them?
A. Well, I might just give them a dose of their own medicine. Ang sinasabi ko lang dito sa mga vigilantes, mga put–na na ito, ang problema ngayon, baka ipalusot ninyo yang patay ninyo, na pumatay lang kayo ng tao para sabihin lang ninyo na ‘ah drug pusher yan, druglord yan.’ Yan ang mahirap. One of these days I will catch up with them (vigilantes) and they’ll have to pay the price….because… whether it’s true or not, it’s already a crime but what makes it doubly sad for all of us is baka ang pinatay nila hindi nga (drug pusher). Then by the time I catch up…

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DUTERTE REVISITED: What he said in 2001
By Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews
Last of Three Parts
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November 30, 2001: “Totally, totally, totally unacceptable”
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Q. It seems like some other local chief executives are following your example.
A. Copycats. (Pause). Ah, example? Eh kung pinapatay ninyo, gago kayo, bawal yan. Salita lang, hanggang salita ka lang dapat dyan tapos let the others do it if they want. But if they are caught, again it’s your duty to punish them. Sakyan mo na lang….

Q. You’re not afraid? That druglords would..
A. I am, I am….there’s a report. I do not want to make it public, I do not want sympathies. But you always tread on dangerous paths… Kung wa tay suerte, di ganon na nga but I said I do what I have to do.

Q. If I were a druglord, I’d probably target you.
A. Mabuti yan kasi ako nakatutok rin sa iyo.

Q. I mean, if we follow their… you’re an obstacle.
A. Yes, because they’re losing business dito sa Davao…. They cannot really be based here — walang homegrown na criminal syndicate dito sa Davao — yan mapagyabang ko yan. Kidnapper, wala. Sa labas yan sila… sa peripheral cities. Yang kanilang pasok, they utilize the teenagers kasi alam nila teenagers dili mapreso eh…. always minors yang mga runners nila kasi pag minors, pagdating sa korte, suspended ang trial. The minor now goes to a halfway house, magsisibat yan or if at all they are caught… halos lahat na nahuli sa drugs… may perang pang bail (so) labas na naman yan sila, the following day laro naman. So if you’re doing brisk business in Davao, maski ganon ang delivery system mo, konti-konti lang, below 200 kasi bailable ang below 200 grams, masasaktan ka. And they (druglords) also correctly read me – nagpaplano rin ako sa kanila. Maybe one of these days, our paths will cross suddenly. It’s either their skin or mine… But I just want to assure everybody that there is no such thing as government-sponsored killing, initiated, abetted or encouraged by government. That is utterly false, I swear to God. Walang budget ang gobyerno para ganon.

Q. Narcopolitics is…
A. It will come.

Q. It’s not here?
A. I fear that one of these days it will just really come. Pagkaganon ang kinita nila, they can now support a mayor who’s a fencesitter…. Sa totoo lang, sino mang official nagsalita about drugs? Puro lip service…. ako, at least may ginagawa ako dito maski salita lang (na) “patayin ko kayo.”

Q. How much money on the average, daily, changes hands in the city in illegal drugs?
A. P600,000 to P700,000 daily. …may nahuli ngayon o yesterday, two kilos….I just came in from Manila. They will be presented tomorrow. Eh kung totoo yan, eh di pinatay ko na yan, laliman ka two kilos?

Q. (Laughs) Kay wala ka man, you were in Manila.
A. Cellular lang man na. Hello, hello..(laughs). Bu-ng. Pataka lang ka (laughs)

Q. P600,000 to 700,000? That’s a lot of money.
A. That’s a lot of battered brains. Kita mo, the city is cosmopolitan, 500 yung naglalaro dito, yung nasa listahan..half of that or a third of that validated na.

Q. Of the 500 on the list, how many approached you, aside from the families you mentioned.
A. More than a third of them naghingi ng tawad and … wanted their names delisted. Sabi ko, ‘no, your name stays there. All you have to do is to behave and I assure you nothing will happen.’ Because hindi naman talaga siguro papatay ang mga DDS kung wala ka na, gago naman tong mga vigilantes kung ganon. Sabi ko nga, pag nagkamali kayo na pinapatay na inosente eh di
pag inabot ko kayo, sila puy akong putulan ug ulo.

Q. Kung dili diay inosente, okay ra?
A. Hindi naman pero mas grabe kung (inosente). Doble nga eh. The fact that its’ being done is already sad. But to do it for personal reasons tapos i-attribute mo lang na drugs tapos wala naman pala, then you’re really sh-t.

Q. Isn’t this a slap on the face of the police?
A. No. The mayor has the operational control of the police. It’s a slap on me.

Q. It’s a slap on your face.
A. I admit full responsibility for the failure of the police to catch the vigilantes and

Duterte on Drugs

Q. And the drug pushers as well?
A. At least naghina na. That’s what I promised the people. I said you vote for me, I’ll do this. And sinakyan ko yung mga gago dyan (vigilantes). Maybe encouraged sila because bumalik na ako and they know that hardliner ako dyan sa crime. Sinakyan nila ako, sinakyan ko rin sila. Alang-alang magsabi ako na ‘o mga vigilantes, wag kayong pumatay, yung mga drug pushers dyan, hayaan lang ninyo, kung sa mahuli lang, kung hindi mahuli pasensyahan na lang.’ Ganon? Ah, patay ang syudad kung ganyan.. Lubong. With 1,600 policemen, 255,000 square hectares, 1.4 million population, you expect the police to solve every crime, not only to solve but build a case against each and every one of them? Ah, naghahanap ka ng langit nyan. That’s utopia. That’s Republic of Utopia. It’s not a republic anywhere in this planet.

Q. But we’re talking human rights here.
A. Human rights is there. Pero most of all, yang human rights is really for the defenseless, the hopeless, yung wala na silang matakbuhan. That’s my governance.

Q. Why do you like to be more chief of police than chief executive?
A. Because from my experience, if the place is not stable, forget about progress and development. I do not want to pull my own chair but to a modest degree, alam nyo na yan dito sa Davao, bakit gumanon tayo ngayon? Because I got rid of the kidnappers. I killed them all. Ah yang kidnappers, talagang I admitted it in public sa kampanya, pinutulan ko talaga ng ulo yung mga walanghiyang yan.

Q. Whatever you say, some people would still look at you as godfather…
A. Over and above all these loose talks, over and above all these allegations about these killings, about me as godfather, grandfather, uncle or whatever, the father of DDS, basta drugs, kidnapping, hold-up… rape tapos pinatay, those crimes are really unacceptable to me. Lalo na yang drugs because I’ve shown to you the dimensions of its inequity. You leave with me a problem which I have to solve for a lifetime…. Iwanan mo ako ng anak na criminal, na I do not know if he would rape his own mother, which is always happening everyday, pakinggan mo lang yang telebisyon, he will hostage his own sister, his own son, put a knife at the neck of an infant.

Ang drugs… totally, totally, and if I may say it for the third time, totally totally unacceptable sa akin, kaya pag andyan ka, ah, lalo na kung druglord ka, bigtime pusher ka, if you’re into kidnapping, if you are into hold-ups tapos ikaw mang-rape ka dyan.. if we happen to cross paths, if our journeys in life would cross each other, ah pasensya, pasensyahan na lang tayo. The President has declared that drugs is a national security problem… The Philippines may be poor… underdeveloped but it’s the only country I have and I love my country….pag this is the survival of my country, you go first… wag yung community, not the innocent people, not the families …

Q. This emphasis on ‘totally, totally totally unacceptable,’ where is this coming from? I mean, just to let the readers understand, what is your basis? A direct experience? Your son’s experience or what?
A. Well lahat na. No my son, wala, I can assure you (he’s not involved in drugs) otherwise I would resign. Yung unfairness…. Ayoko ng kidnapping. Ayoko gani yang magkapera ka sa mundong ito na hindi ka man lang mapagod, you make a living out of the expense of, specially the poor people. I don’t give a sh-t about the AB crowd. They can sniff heroin and shabu, they can afford it. Itong mahihirap, ito yung tinatamaan na talagang tama na wallop. Sila yung mga … very easy, vulnerable targets. Look, read again the newspapers. Before, every night may patay na taxi driver. Why, because they’re the most vulnerable targets. You don’t have money for the night for your shabu, okay, para ka ng taxi. You know he has the money, you can direct the guy to any place in Davao, secluded, silent, puede mong patayin kasi nakatalikod eh. O ngayon, may pinatay pa ba? See? From every night to nothing. Sabi ko totally, totally, totally because total ang focusing ko dyan. Sabi ko mahuli rin kita. One of these days, you watch out…just be patient, sabi nyo talagang malaki, I will get one but I will crucify him in front of the community. Maybe siguro that would be the first time that you can attribute something (to me) na ginagawa ng DDS. Pag talagang malaking-malaki na, ako na personally, wag na yung DDS. Tumabi kayo dyan, ako na mismo ang papapel, ako na ang magpahambug.

Q. How do you want history to remember you?
A. Simple. I did my duty, period. I did what I promised to the people, period. And I tried.

———————————————————————————————————
Duterte on Leadership . PCIJ:MindaNews

Editor’s note: Fifteen years later, Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte is assuming the post as 16th President of the Philippines, the first Mindanawon to lead the country. The rehabilitation center he promised – the Davao City Treatment and Rehabilitation Center for Drug Dependents does not resemble a prison. Before the city took over its operations, it was called Rehabilitation Center for Drug Dependents and was run by the Department of Social Welfare and Development Region XI with the support of the Regional Council for Welfare of Children & Youth.)

In last 8 elections, 68 families victors in 6 vote-rich provinces

By Rowena F. Caronan
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

PCIJ. Clans, 6 Vote-Rich Provinces, may 2016

LOCAL POLITICAL families, not political parties, are important to national politicians as they mobilize electoral support, says political scientist Julio C. Teehankee. National officials, he explains, typically have strong provincial base. They draw on support from well-entrenched networks of local political families, who often change party affiliations to secure state resources and patronage.

Of 68 recurring family names in six vote-rich provinces, or those with at least eight electoral victories in the last 24 years, at least 14 are affiliated with or have declared support for the Liberal Party (LP) of President Benigno S. Aquino III. The opposition equally has the backing of 14 other families, whereas the rest have unclear affiliation.

From the 1992 to the 2013 elections, these 68 families have won 879 or 20 percent of the combined 4,121 seats in their localities, excluding the city or municipal positions, in Cebu, Cavite, Pangasinan, Laguna, Negros Occidental, and Davao del Sur.

With a total of 10.86 million voters, these provinces can already make or break one national candidate’s electoral bid.

National-local grids

Cebu and Cavite are considered opposition bailiwicks, while Davao del Sur is to the Dutertes and Negros Occidental to the Roxases.

Pangasinan in the far north is part of the solid north bloc of the late strongman Ferdinand E. Marcos that remains a formidable force to reckon with. Laguna, which is a recipient of the continuous urban expansion of Metro Manila, has a mixed political-party landscape.

In 2013, Negros Occidental, Pangasinan, and Cebu were among the provinces with high voter turnout rates at 81.5 percent, 81.4 percent, and 80.8 percent, respectively, or within the national average of 81.2 percent. Laguna (72 percent), Cavite (67 percent), and Davao del Sur (64.3 percent) posted lower voter turnouts.

The political families that have declared support for the candidacy of LP’s standard-bearer Manuel ‘Mar’ A. Roxas III include the Gullases of Cebu, Barzagas and Abayas of Cavite, and Maranons, Ferrers, Escalantes of Negros Occidental.

Although Eduardo ‘Danding’ Cojuangco Jr.’s Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC) is backing Senator Grace Poe’s bid for the presidency, its members and political stalwarts in Negros Occidental and Pangasinan have been allowed to choose who to endorse. Poe also enjoys the support of the Duranos of Cebu, Revillas of Cavite, and incumbent Manila Mayor Joseph Ejercito Estrada, whose clan dominate the mayoral race in San Juan City and Pagsanjan, Laguna.

Those endorsing the candidacy of United Nationalist Alliance’s (UNA’s) standard-bearer Vice President Jejomar ‘Jojo’ C. Binay are the Ramas of Cebu and Remullas of Cavite. Recently, however, Cavite Governor Juanito Victor ‘Jonvic’ Remulla, erstwhile spokesperson of Binay, jumped shipped to the camp of the current presidential frontrunner, Davao City Mayor Rodrigo ‘Digong’ R. Duterte of Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban).

Duterte has also drawn support from the Garcias of Cebu and former Senator Edgardo J. Angara’s Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP). The Angara family is a political clan in the province of Aurora in Central Luzon, but it is not only a vote-poor province with only 126,525,000 voters, but also has a lower voter turnout — just 75.7 percent in 2013.

THE CLANS OF CEBU

PCIJ. Cebu Top clans, may 2016

Cebu has remained on top of the list of provinces with the highest number of voters with 2,722,288 or nearly half of the 6.3 million in Metro Manila, a region of 16 cities and one municipality. Too, Cebu is the center of economic trade in the Visayas, where the bustling metropolitan Cebu City is located. In 2014, Cebu posted the highest financial capacity among the provinces with P28-billion equity, or the difference between the amounts of assets and liabilities of local government units.

Over the last 24 years, majority of Cebu’s 1,021 elected officials, excluding the town council members, had run under LP’s rival parties such as the LDP and Lakas, including LAKAS-Christian Muslim Democrats (LKS-CMD) and LAKAS-Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (LKS-KAM).

Regional and provincial political parties in Cebu rarely coalesced with the LP. Aside from the LDP and Lakas, they were often associated instead with the Nacionalista Party (NP), NPC, and UNA. (UNA’s earlier name was United Opposition or UNO.)

In Cebu’s local elections from 1992 to 2013, 14 clans each have had members elected at least 10 times to a variety of seats: congressional, gubernatorial, mayoral, and vice mayoral. The Duranos had 57 electoral victories in the fifth congressional district, Danao City, and towns of Samboan and Sogod. Next to the Duranos are:

• the Martinezes with 20 in the fourth district, Bogo City, and San Remigio;
• the Garcias with 18 in the second and third districts and gubernatorial races;
• the Yaphas with 17 in the third district and Pinamungahan;
• the Ramas with 14 in Cebu City and Poro;
• the Abineses with 13 in the second district, vice gubernatorial races, and Oslob and Santander;
• the Binghays with 12 in Balamban;
• the Fernandezes with 11 in Talisay City and Pilar;
• and 10 each for the Osmenas in the third district and Cebu City, the Creuses in Malabuyoc, the Radazas in Lapu-Lapu City and its lone district, the Wenceslaos in Santander, the Bacaltoses in Sibonga, and the Arquillanos in San Francisco.

These families have controlled Cebu’s influential political parties at the provincial level, including the Bando Osmeña Pundok Kauswagan (BOPK) and Probinsya Muna Development Initiative (PROMDI) of the Osmeñas, Alang sa Kalambuan ug Kalinaw (ALAYON) led by the Gullases in the first district, and Partido Panaghiusa led by the Ramas. Its two leading provincial parties in the last three elections, from 2007 to 2013, were the Barug Alang sa Kauswagan ug Demokrasya (BAKUD) formed by the Duranos in 2001, and One Cebu party, by the Garcias in 2007.

The Durano-led Bakud party supported former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s Lakas party in 2010. It shifted alliance to NPC and, in 2013, joined the LP coalition. At the time, the feuding family had siblings running for the same position under different political affiliations. In the 2016 polls, though, there are no family members up against each other. But instead of LP’s standard-bearer Roxas and their distant relative, PDP-Laban’s Duterte, the family is supporting Poe largely because a member of the family, Joseph Felix Mari ‘Ace’ H. Durano, serves as one of her campaign managers. Ace Durano is the nephew of Duterte. His father, Danao City Mayor Ramon ‘Nito’ D. Durano III, and the Davao City mayor are second-degree cousins.

The Duranos used to be long-time allies of the Garcias, who were affiliated with the Lakas party in 2010 and UNA in 2013. The two broke ties in 2013 when the Duranos supported the candidacy of LP’s gubernatorial bet, Hilario Davide III, who was running against a Garcia. Last month, the Garcia-led One Cebu party formally declared its support for Duterte and vowed to deliver a one-million vote difference. One Cebu claimed to have dropped its alliance with UNA because, it said, the latter lacked appreciation and reciprocation of One Cebu’s loyalty.

Of the other 12 prominent families in Cebu’s political scene, only the Martinezes, Yaphas, Wenceslaos, and Osmenas fielded candidates under the LP in 2013. The Ramas, Fernandezes, and Arquillanos ran under the Bakud party and UNA. The Binghays and Creuses were associated with One Cebu party, while the Bacaltoses were with the NP and the Radazas with the Lakas party. The Abineses were last elected in 2004 under the Lakas party.

In the 2016 polls, members of the Martinez, Yapha, Wenceslao, and Radaza families are running under the LP. The Gullas-led Alayon also showed support for Roxas, but maintained its support for fellow NP members Senators Alan Peter S. Cayetano, Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ R. Marcos Jr., and Antonio ‘Sonny’ F. Trillanes IV, who all are vying for the vice presidential position.

THE CLANS OF CAVITE

PCIJ. Cavite Top clans, may 2016

Cavite comes second on the list of provinces with the highest number of voters with 1,843,163 or three percent of the country’s voting population. It is one of the least-poor province with only 4.1-percent poverty incidence rate in 2012.

Since 1992, the Cavitenos have elected a total of 504 local officials. A quarter or 127 of them ran under the Lakas party, whereas 120 were affiliated with the Partido Magdalo (PM), a provincial party founded and built by the province’s longest running governor, Juanito Remulla. PM allied itself with the LDP in 1992 and 2004, Estrada’s Laban ng Makabayang Masang Pilipino (LAMMP) in 1998 when he ran for president, and Lakas party in 2013. A significant number of its elected officials were members of NP.

LP, meanwhile, has garnered 91 electoral victories in Cavite so far, 78 of which were attained in the last three elections, from 2007 to 2013. Most of these were victories of members of the Abaya, Arayata, Loyola, Aguinaldo, Maliksi, Tolentino, and Campaña families who were elected at least three times each in the last eight elections.

These families are part of the 13 different clans that have a minimum of eight electoral victories each in the province. Over a quarter or 132 of Cavite’s total elected officials belong to these clans. The Arayatas and Remullas topped the Comelec list of candidates with each having 14 electoral posts in the last two decades. The Arayatas dominated the politics of the town of Tanza, whereas “Remulla” was a regular name in the second and third congressional districts as well as gubernatorial races.

Next are the Tolentinos with 13 winning candidates in Tagaytay City’s local polls. The Maliksis and Aguinaldos had 11 each in Imus City and the town of Kawit, respectively. Apart from national positions, members of the Revilla family won 10 electoral posts in the second congressional district, Bacoor City, and the province’s vice gubernatorial races. (The “Revillas” are actually Bautistas. “Revilla” is the screen surname used by members of the clan who are active in showbiz, who include Cavite 2nd District Rep. Lani Mercado, wife of Senator Ramon ‘Bong’ Revilla Jr. Mercado, whose real name is Jesusa H. Bautista, is running for mayor of Bacoor.)

The Barzagas (in the second and fourth districts and Dasmarinas City), Ferrers (in the sixth district and the town of General Trias), and Loyolas (in the fifth district and the town of Carmona) follow with nine electoral wins. Then come the Abayas in the first district, Campañas in the town of General Trias, Nazarenos in the town of Naic, and del Rosarios in the town of Tanza had eight wins each.

In 2013, 10 of these 13 families were affiliated with the LP. Only the Remullas, Revillas, and Nazarenos remained staunchly with the opposition.

The Lakas party of Bong Revilla, who claimed to have been detained since 2014 on plunder and graft charges because of his plan to run for the 2016 presidential race, endorsed the vice presidential candidacy of Marcos. The party, however, failed to reach a consensus on who to endorse in the presidential race. Thus, members are split among Binay, Duterte, and Poe. The Revillas alone are supporting Poe.

Among the 10 recurring family names in the Cavite political scene, the Abayas were the longest members of LP, having been affiliated with the party since 2001. The Arayatas, Aguinaldos, Campañas, del Rosarios, and Maliksis used to be members of LDP and PM, but they became LP converts in 2007. The Tolentinos and Loyolas had run under the Lakas Party, and then switched to LP in 2010. In 2013, the Barzagas and Ferrers joined the National Unity Party (NUP), which was part of the LP-led coalition.

Aquino appointed Francis N. Tolentino as head of the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority (MMDA) in 2010, and Joseph Emilio Abaya as secretary of Department of Transportation and Communications (DOTC) in 2012. Tolentino is seeking a Senate seat in the 2016 elections and declared his support for Duterte’s presidential bid. He is not running under the banner of the LP, but his brother is.

THE CLANS OF PANGASINAN

PCIJ.Pangasinan Top clans, may 2016

Pangasinan is home to the third largest voting population of 1,705,260 and makes up half of Ilocos region’s population. It is among the richest provinces in 2014 with a P4.23-billion equity, which compares with that of highly urbanized cities of Marikina, Calamba in Laguna, and Cagayan de Oro in Misamis Oriental.

Since 1992, nearly half or 426 of Pangasinan’s 922 elected officials, excluding city/municipal councilors, were affiliated with the Lakas party. Others ran under the NPC and its allies (211), the LDP (63), LP (40), LAMMP (23), Partido para sa Demokratikong Reporma or REPORMA (15), Estrada’s Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino or PMP (7), and UNA (4). Many, too, were independent candidates (53).

All 14 prominent families that have dominated Pangasinense politics have been affiliated with the Lakas party and NPC of Cojuangco, a Pangasinense political kingpin whose wife belongs to the Oppen political family of Negros Occidental. Among the 14 clans are the Perezes with 22 electoral victories, the Celestes with 19, the Espinos and Reyeses with 17 each, the Sorianos with 15, the Villars with 14, the Resuellos and de Veras with 12 each, the Calimlims, Rosetes, and de Guzmans with 11 each, and the Agbayanis and Peraltas with 10 each.

The Perezes turn up frequently on Comelec’s list of candidates in Pangasinan’s Urdaneta City and the town of San Manuel, as well as in its fifth congressional district, where they fight for dominance against the Cojuangcos. The Celeste family name often shows up in Bolinao’s political scene; the Espinos, in the second district, gubernatorial races, and the town of Bautista; the Reyeses, in the towns of Mabini and San Quintin; the Resuellos, in San Carlos City; and Calimlims, in the town of Mapandan.

In the 2016 elections, the Espinos and Calimlims of the Aksyon Demokratiko (Aksyon) declared their support for Roxas. Their former ally, former Pangasinan fifth district Congressman Mark Cojuangco, has pledged support for Roxas’s rival, Binay, defying his father’s and NPC’s decision to endorse Poe. Both Espinos and Cojuangcos, however, are supporting the vice presidential bid of Marcos. Meanwhile, the Perezes, Peraltas, and Celestes are allied with the NPC, but it remains unclear whose candidacy they support.

THE CLANS OF LAGUNA

PCIJ. Laguna Top clans, may 2016

Laguna is fourth on the list of provinces with the most number of registered voters with 1,675,366 voters. Laguna’s economy is a mix of industrial, largely boosted by nearby Metro Manila, and agricultural activities in distant areas.

Laguna’s 608 elected officials from 1992 to 2013 were also a mix of several family names affiliated with national political parties such as the Lakas Party (227), LDP (103), LP (49), UNA (40), NPC (39), and NP (28), among others. In 2013, 29 of Laguna’s elected officials ran under the UNA banner; 23 were with the LP; and 17, with the NP.

Only six clans had at least eight electoral victories each in Laguna: The Chipecos won 11 times in total in the second congressional district and Calamba City’s mayoral seats. The Perezes were elected eight times as mayor of the cities of Los Banos and Binan. Eight electoral victories were also enjoyed by the San Luises in the fourth congressional district, provincial seats, and the town of Santa Cruz; the Buesers in the third district and the city of San Pablo and town of Alaminos; the Ramoses in the town of Bay; and the Sanchezes in Calauan City and town of Pakil.

The Ejercito clan, which traces its roots in Laguna, had a total of seven electoral victories in the town of Pagsanjan and gubernatorial positions. Other members of the clan dominate the politics of San Juan City in Metro Manila, where former ousted President and now Manila Mayor Joseph Estrada began his political career. Estrada is endorsing the candidacy of Poe, daughter of his long-time friend, the movie king Fernando Poe. Jr. The latter also ran for president in 2004 but lost.

THE CLANS OF NEGROS OCCIDENTAL

PCIJ. Negros Occidental Top Clans,  may 2016

Negros Occidental, the country’s major sugar producer, is the fifth most vote-rich province with 1,663,492 registered voters. Both presidential aspirants Roxas and Poe have significant ties to the province. Roxas traces his maternal roots in Bago City, while Poe’s adoptive mother hails from Bacolod City.

For years, several of the province’s 674 elected officials were members of the NPC and the former ruling Lakas party. A third or more of the 83 to 85 local officials belong to either of these two parties. In 2013, however, several of them joined the LP and supported the LP-led coalition. NPC also allied with the LP at the time.

News reports have quoted local NPC members as saying that the NPC national leadership have allowed them to choose who to support in the 2016 presidential candidates, although the NPC has declared that it is backing Poe’s presidential candidacy.

The Marañons, Ferrers, Escalantes, and Zaycos are among the province’s prominent families that have shown support for Roxas’s presidential bid in 2016. The Maranñons dominate the second congressional district and Sagay City as well as the gubernatorial races in the last two decades with 19 electoral victories. The Ferrers are powerful in the fourth district and in La Carlota City. The Escalantes, meanwhile, reign in the city of Cadiz and town of Manapala, and were elected 13 times. The Zaycos obtained 14 electoral posts in Kabankalan City’s 24 years of election.

Nine other families frequently pop up in Comelec’s list of candidates in Negros Occidental. They are the Lacsons who have won 25 electoral posts in the province’s third congressional district and gubernatorial races as well as in San Carlos City and the towns of Murcia and Enrique B. Magalona. Other families include the Alvarezes in the sixth district and town of Ilog with 17 electoral wins; the Yulos in the fifth district, Bago City, and town of Binalbagan with 15 wins; the Lizareses in Talisay City, Palancas in Victorias City, and Toreses in Bago City with 11 wins each; and the Montillas in Sipalay City and Garcias in the town of Moises Padilla with 10 wins each.

THE CLANS OF DAVAO DEL SUR

PCIJ. Davao del Sur Top clans, may 2016

Davao del Sur down south ranks as the 12th most vote-rich province in the Philippines and the first in Mindanao region with 1,247,362 voters. Its center, Davao City, is Duterte’s bailiwick where he has served as an elected official for more than two decades. Members of the Duterte clan have chalked up a total of 11 electoral victories from 1992 to 2013.

Since 2010, the Dutertes had run under the LP, which has fielded Roxas for the 2016 presidential race. Duterte at first had resisted calls for him to run for president. When he finally decided in December 2015 to enter the race, he obtained support from PDP-Laban and former Senator Manuel B. Villar’s NP. No political clan in Davao del Sur was affiliated with the PDP-Laban in 2013, but two of the province’s nine enduring political clans, which won at least 10 electoral posts in the last eight elections, ran under the NP.

The Cagases, who dominate the province’s first congressional district and won twice in the gubernatorial races, used to be with the Lakas party; they had been with the NP since 2010. The Mariscals of the town of Santa Maria were affiliated with the Lakas party from 1992 to 1998, and with the NPC from 2001 to 2010. They became NP converts in 2013.

Two other political clans were affiliated with the LP in 2013. The Bautistas of the province’s second congressional district and town of Malita ran under the NPC and Lakas from 1992 to 2010. In 2013, they shifted alliance to the LP. The Garcias, which remained unseated in the first congressional district of Davao City, were affiliated with the NPC in 1992 and from 2001 to 2010; they joined the LP in 2013.

Another two of the nine ran under the NPC in 2013. The Lopezes, which won 14 electoral posts in the third congressional district of Davao City and town of Santa Cruz, have frequently changed affiliations from the PMP to the Lakas party, and then to the NPC in 2013. The Latasas of Digos City had been with the NPC since 1992. The Colinas ran under the Lakas party from 1992 to 1998, and then shifted alliance to NPC from 2001 to 2007. They returned to the Lakas party in 2010, and then moved again to NPC in 2013.

Only the Camineros of the town Kiblawan, who were previously affiliated with the Lakas party and NPC, joined Binay’s UNA in 2013.— PCIJ, May 2016
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For details, check out PCIJ’s Money Politics Online

101 political clans rule polls in top 20 vote-rich provinces

By Rowena F. Caronan
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

PCIJ Top Clans pol parties, may 2016

THROUGHOUT THE 24 years of elections in the Philippines’s 20 provinces with the most number of registered voters, family names on the ballots seem to keep repeating themselves, the same ones popping up over and over again. It’s a situation that goes against the equal access to opportunities for public service guaranteed by the 1987 Constitution. Then again, the Charter also talks about prohibiting political dynasties “as may be defined by law,” but just look where we are now.

Based on the list of candidates from the 1992 to 2013 elections from the Commission on Elections (Comelec), about 10,000 persons had repeatedly occupied 17,673 elective posts in six of the nation’s 20 vote-rich provinces. They have held positions of power from the local level to the halls of Congress simply by belonging to political clans that have continued to hold sway over communities large and small across the country for the last quarter of a century.

Various members of these political clans that litter Comelec’s list often take the same positions again and again. Members of a clan are also usually elected all at the same time for different posts. It is also not uncommon to see members of the same family fighting against each other in an electoral race.

A few members of these families have even found their way to a political career through barangay elections, or turned to barangay positions after failed local bids. This has been a common practice, despite barangay officials supposedly being non-partisan in nature. A number of them have also managed to install their members to national positions, including the highest one that enabled their family to wield power from within the Palace along the Pasig River.

PCIJ analyzed Comelec’s data on the list of candidates in six of the 20 vote-rich provinces from the 1992 elections. These six have a combined voters’ strength of 10.86 million or 20 percent of the latest count of total registered voters of 55.7 million.

The Comelec data showed at least 101 different family names that are each tied to at least eight electoral successes in the last eight elections, excluding the town council seats. These family names are shared and carried by as many as 1,159 elected officials.

The top 10 most recurring family names in the Comelec’s list of candidates, or those that have more than four members who won their electoral contests and have at least 17 electoral victories over the last eight elections, include the following:

• Durano, Garcia, Martinez, and Yapha in Cebu in central Visayas, which is home to five percent of the country’s voting population and has an economy trailing that of Metro Manila;
• Celeste, Espino, and Perez in Pangasinan in northern Luzon, which is the richest province in Ilocos region;
• Alvarez, Lacson, and Maranon in Negros Occidental in the newly created Negros Island region with the highly urbanized city of Bacolod as the center; and
• Bautista in Davao del Sur in the southeastern part of Mindanao.

PCIJ.Cebu pol parties, may 2016

Duranos top ’em all

Among the six provinces, the Duranos emerged as having the most electoral wins: 57 from the 1992 to 2013 polls. The Duranos were followed by the Lacson family with 25, the Bautistas and Perezes with 22, the Martinezes with 20; the Celestes and Maranons with 19; the Garcias with 18; and the Alvarezes, Espinos, and Yaphas with 17.

An average of seven Durano members has simultaneously won at the congressional and provincial elections as well as in Danao City and the towns of Samboan and Sogod.

In the 2013 elections, 10 Duranos won their electoral contests. Thus far, this is the highest number a political clan in Cebu has achieved in a single poll in the last two decades. Such number could be next to the record set by the Ampatuans of Mindanao who enjoyed at least 15 electoral victories in 2013 despite being implicated in the country’s worst electoral violence yet in 2009.

Danao City and the rest of Cebu’s fifth congressional district have remained the Durano’s family territory in which they have held onto their seats consistently for 24 years. The fifth district is home to 12 percent of Cebu’s voters. Danao City is a third-class city, but ranks sixth based on the number voters among Cebu’s 53 cities and municipalities.

Ramon ‘Nito’ Durano III and his sons Joseph Felix Mari or Ace and Ramon VI or Red have taken turns sitting in Congress since 1992. Ace is the incumbent congressman of Cebu’s 5th District, while Nito is currently serving as mayor of Danao City. The mayoral seat was previously held by Nito’s brother Jesus and nephew Ramon IV.

Nito’s other siblings and their children are also in politics, including Beatriz, Thaddeus, Ramon Jr., and Rose Marie. Rose Marie and Beatriz married into significant political clans in the northern and southern Cebu towns. Rose Marie’s husband, Celestino Sybico, hails from Balamban; Beatriz’s spouse Emerito Calderon is from Samboan. Vicente T. Pimentel Jr., brother-in-law of Nito’s wife, is also a politician from Carrascal, Surigao del Sur. The Duranos’ third-generation politicians who appeared frequently as well on Comelec’s list are Beatriz’s sons Raymond Joseph and Emerito Jr. Calderon; Lydia’s son Oscar D. Rodriguez Jr.; Thaddeus’s daughter Lissa Marie D. Streegan; Ramon Jr.’s son Ramon IV; Nito’s children Ace, Red, Thomas Mark, and Carmen Remedios D. Meca; Jesus’s son Ramon V; and Rose Marie’s son Jude Thaddeus Sybico. The Duranos are cousins to Cebu Vice Governor Agnes Magpale, who is also related to the Almendrases of Cebu.

PCIJ Negros Occidental pol parties, may 2016

With 25 electoral wins, the Lacsons of Negros Occidental are next to the Duranos in the highest number of electoral victories over the last 24 years. Four incumbent officials belong to the Lacson clan, including Jose Carlos Lacson, Andrew Montelibano, Eugenio Jose Lacson, and Ernest Lacson Jr. They have been elected in the province’s third congressional district and in the local offices of San Carlos City and the town of Murcia. San Carlos City is a second-class city, whereas Murcia is a first-class municipality.

Bautistas, Perezes next

The Bautistas of Davao del Sur and Perezes of Pangasinan come next with 22 electoral victories each.

Five Bautistas occupy various posts in the second district of Davao del Sur, as well as the mayoral seat of Malita town. Malita, a first-class municipality, is now the capital of newly created province of Davao Occidental. The Bautistas were also present at the provincial level with two members of the clan both once elected as governor. One of the two was also elected as vice governor, the other as member of the provincial council.

Benjamin Bautista Sr. is the late clan patriarch. He was Malita mayor in the 1960s and served as Davao del Sur 2nd District representative from 1987 to 1998. His son Franklin took over his seat in Congress, occupying it from 1998 to 2001 and then from 2007 to 2013. Franklin also replaced Benjamin as Malita mayor from 1992 to 1998 and 2001 to 2007. Another of Benjamin’s sons, Claude, entered politics in 1995 and was elected as member of the provincial council. Claude replaced his brother as Malita mayor in 1998 and as congressman in 2001 and 2004. Claude became the second Bautista to be elected governor in 2013.

PCIJ Davao del Sur pol parties, may 2016

Meanwhile, the Comelec data yielded two Perez families in Pangasinan. One family includes brothers Amadeo Jr. and Eduardo; Amadeo’s son, Amadeo Gregorio IV and Jose Angelo; and nephew Antonino and niece Rosary Gracia P. del Val. These Perezes have actively participated in Urdaneta City’s local politics since 1992, serving in Pangasinan’s fifth congressional district and Urdaneta City’s mayoral office. Urdaneta, a second-class city, is third in most number of voters among Pangasinan’s 48 towns.

In 2010, Eduardo ran in the barangay elections when he lost his bid for a seat in the council. Two of Amadeo’s sons also began their political careers as barangay captains. Amadeo Gregorio IV was the president of the Association of Barangay Captains and Jose Angelo, head of Barangay Anonas. Amadeo Gregorio IV later replaced his father as mayor.

The second set of Perezes rules the town of San Manuel, a first-class municipality that has a voting population that is only a third of Urdaneta City’s. This family has as politicians Salvador and his three children Alain Jerico, Salvador Jr., and Sheila Marie; and Salvador’s nephew, Pancho Jr.

PCIJ. Pangasinan pol parties, may 2016

The family has remained unseated in the mayoral seat of San Manuel since 1992, except from 1998 to 2001. Salvador served as mayor from 1992 to 1998 and 2001 to 2010. His brother Pancho had taken a shot at being mayor in 1998, but lost in the polls. He is succeeded in 2010 by his son Alain Jerico, who held the vice mayoral seat from 2007 to 2010. Then Salvador also assumed his son’s vice mayoral seat from 2010 to present. Other members of the family were elected as councilors, including Salvador Jr. (2010 to 2013) and Sheila and Pancho Jr. (2013 to 2016.)

Martinezes, Celestes, Marañons

The Martinezes of Cebu, meanwhile, have had 20 electoral victories from 1992 to 2013. At least six Martinezes have been elected into office, representing Cebu’s 4th District from 1992 to 2007 and occupying the mayoral offices of Bogo City and the town of San Remigio from 2001 to present. Bogo city is a sixth-class city, whereas San Remigio is a third-class town.

Among the Martinezes is Celestino Jr. who served in Congress from 1992 to 1998 and as Bogo City mayor from 2007 to present. His wife Clavel took over his seat in Congress from 1998 to 2007, and their son Celestino III served as mayor of Bogo City from 2001 to 2007.

Next with 19 electoral victories each are the Celestes of Pangasinan and Marañons of Negros Occidental.

Eight members of the Celeste family have served in Congress and in the local offices of the fourth-class city of Alaminos and the first-class municipality of Bolinao. Bolinao’s mayoral seat has been held consecutively by siblings Jesus, Alfonso, and Arnold since 1995. Jesus served from 1995 to 2001; Alfonso, from 2001 to 2010; and Arnold, from 2013 to 2016.

Jesus was elected in 2010 and 2013 as congressman in Pangasinan’s first district, replacing his brother Arthur, who held the same position from 2001 to 2010. In 2013, Arthur was elected mayor of Alaminos City. Another sibling George served as Bolinao councilor from 1998 to 2007 and 2010 to present. A cousin, also named George, is currently in his last term as councilor.

At the barangay level, another Celeste cousin Romeo was barangay captain of Barangay Germinal in Bolinao from 2010 to 2013. Arthur’s daughter Kazel was president of Sangguniang Kabataan Provincial Federation from 2007 to 2010.

PCIJ.Laguna pol parties, may 2016
The Marañons, for their part, dominated the politics of Negros Occidental’s second district and the third- class city of Sagay. Members of the clan were also elected four times as governor of the province.

In 1992, Joseph Marañon was elected mayor of Sagay City. He was re-elected in 1995 and 1998 before he secured the gubernatorial seat in 2001; he held to the provincial post for three terms. His brother Alfredo was congressman from 1995 to 2004, Sagay City mayor from 2007 to 2010, and governor from 2010 to 2013.

Alfredo III replaced his father Alfredo in Congress and served from 2004 to 2010. He also assumed the mayoral seat in 2010; he was elected for a second term in 2013. A nephew, Leo Rafael Cueva, took over as Negros Occidental 2nd District Representative in 2013.

Garcias, Yaphas, Alvarezes

Then there are the Garcias of Cebu, with 18 electoral victories. Leading the Garcia clan is patriarch Pablo Sr., who served as Cebu’s three-term governor from 1995 to 2004. He was also congressman in the province’s third district from 1987 to 1995 and in the second district from 2007 to 2013. His daughter Gwendolyn or Gwen succeeded him in the provincial capitol and completed her third consecutive three-year term in 2013. Gwendolyn then assumed the congressional seat her brother, Pablo John, held from 2007 to 2013 in the third district. Pablo Sr.’s other sons, Marlon and Nelson Gamaliel, took local posts in the towns of Barili and Dumanjug, where they served, respectively, as vice mayor and mayor. Winston, another of Pablo’s sons, was Cebu provincial board member from 1992 to 1995.

Last on the top 10 list of families with the most electoral wins are the Alvarezes, Espinos, and Yaphas, all of whom have 17 electoral victories each.

The Yaphas of Cebu rule the province’s third district and second-class town of Pinamungahan. The family consists of Antonio Jr., his wife Estrella, and children, Geraldine and Jeffrey. At present, however, only Antonio Jr. is in public office, serving as vice mayor of Toledo City.

In Negros Occidental are five elected Alvarezes, including Genaro Jr., his wife Mercedes, sons Genaro Rafael III and John Paul, and daughter-in-law Joyce. The family has simultaneously held electoral posts in the province’s sixth congressional district and the second-class town of Ilog. Genaro Jr. was provincial board member from 1992 to 1995. He served in Congress from 1995 to 2004 and 2007 to 2010. He then won the vice gubernatorial race in the 2010 elections. He was succeeded by his son Genaro Rafael III in Congress from 2004 to 2007, and by his wife from 2010 to present. Another son, John Paul, was Ilog’s mayor from 1998 to 2007 and from 2010 to 2013. John Paul’s wife Joyce took over the mayoral seat from 2007 to 2013.

PCIJ.Cavite pol parties, may 2016

In Pangasinan, the Espino name comes up frequently in the politics of the province’s second district and poor town of Bautista.

The political Espinos include siblings Amado Jr., Amadeo, and Jose. Amado Jr.’s sons, Amado III and Jumel Anthony, and Jose’s son Joseph. Nephews Armando and Joshua and niece Nerissa are also politicians. The family has remained firmly on the mayoral seat of Bautista town since 1995, the post occupied first by Jose and then Amado III. Amadeo took over the position later. – PCIJ, May 2016
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For details, check out PCIJ’s Money Politics Online

95 SOCE non-filers running again, despite ‘perpetual disqualification’

By Jake Crisologo

THEY WISH to lead the nation but refuse to comply even with the most basic rules: Report to the Commission on Elections how much money they raised and spent in their campaign for public office, one month after election day. In fact, they have mocked the rules not just once but twice, and for some, thrice, in elections past.

At least 873 candidates who ran for national and local posts from the 2007 to the 2013 elections should be banned for life from running again, according to the Commission on Elections’ Campaign Finance Office (CFO). This is because these candidates had not filed their Statement of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE) in the last three elections.

PCIJ. Non-filers by region. may 2016

Indeed, while they may contest the ruling of the CFO, for all intents and purposes, their names remain enrolled in the Comelec’s list of candidates for “perpetual disqualification.” Win or lose, the Comelec has ruled that all candidates and parties must file SOCEs.

Yet at least 95 of these seem truly incorrigible, and are running again in the May 2016 elections. They include one candidate for senator, eight for district representative, eight for governor, at least 33 for mayor, 11 for vice mayor, and 34 for councilor of various cities and towns.

Resolution No. 9991, the Omnibus Rules on Campaign Finance that Comelec issued on Oct. 2, 2015, states that on its own, the CFO “may file petitions to disqualify” a candidate, including for failure to submit his or her SOCE “in relation to at least two elections.”

In that situation, Rule 13 of Resolution No. 9991, spells out the penalty as being “perpetual disqualification to hold public office.”

Commissioner Christian Robert S. Lim, head of Comelec’s CFO, concedes, though, that the delinquents may still turn to “due process” as their final recourse and contest or appeal his office’s decision.

Mostly local bets

Comelec data show that by position, the list of delinquent candidates is dominated by candidates to local positions. They make up 75 percent of the total.

At least 680 have sought seats as councilor in various Sangguniang Bayan or Municipal Council (530 candidates), Sangguniang Panglungsod or City Council (150 candidates), and Sangguniang Panlalawigan or Provincial Council (120 candidates).

Another 123 had run for vice mayor, 116 for mayor, 11 for vice governor, 19 for governor, and seven for membership in the regional assembly of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao or ARMM.

In addition, 41 of these delinquent candidates had aspired to become members of the House of Representatives, and one, to be senator.

The total number of candidates by position at 1,100 is higher than actual number of individuals because some of the same candidates had run for different positions across election years.

A fourth from ARMM

Interestingly, by regional spread, one in four of the delinquent candidates, or 212, came from ARMM. But defiance of election law seems to be an epidemic across all the regions of the Philippines.

Other regions with delinquent candidates include: CALABARZON, 94 candidates; Davao Region, 90; Cordillera Administrative Region, 81; Central Luzon, 60; SOCCSKSARGEN, 60; National Capital Region, 59; Western Visayas, 36; Ilocos Region, 28; Cagayan Valley, 33; Central Visayas, 25; MIMAROPA, 24; Eastern Visayas, 21; Northern Mindanao, 19; Zamboanga Peninsula, 17; Bicol Region,16; and Caraga, seven.

(The delinquents from the relatively new Negros Island Region were included in the counts from Western and Central Visayas or Negros Occidental and Oriental. These two now make up Negros Island Region, which was formed only on May 19, 2015 by virtue of Executive Order No. 183.)

The count per region and per province of 882 candidates is closer to the calculated number of individuals at 873, which was derived from subtracting the number of repeated names for candidates who had run in two or more localities.

A big majority of these delinquent candidates had run as independents, or without any political party affiliation.

From parties of presidents

An interesting picture emerges for a subgroup of 131 delinquent candidates who had run for district representative, governor, and vice governor from the 2007 to the 2013 elections, including 18 candidates running again in the May 2016 elections.

In this subgroup, 87 are independents but a significant number had run as candidates of the national political parties led by the incumbent and former presidents of the country:

* Eleven of the delinquents in this subgroup ran as candidates of the Liberal Party (LP) of President Benigno S. Aquino III;

• Eight from the Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) of ousted President Joseph Estrada that is part of the opposition United Nationalist Alliance;

• Six from the Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (KAMPI) of former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo;

• Seven from the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) party of deposed President Ferdinand Marcos; and

• Five from the Lakas-Christian Muslim Democrats (Lakas-CMD) of former President Fidel Ramos.

PCIJ. Non-filers of SOCE, By Party, may 2016

The more prominent names in the list of delinquents include erstwhile rebel leader Nur Misuari who ran for governor of Sulu province in 2007 and 2010, and again for regional governor of ARMM in 2013. In all three instances, Misuari ran as an independent candidate. And in all three instances, too, he did not file his election spending report.

Yet another is Macario Asistio Jr., who ran for vice mayor in 2010, and mayor in 2013, of Caloocan City, and on both occasions failed to submit his SOCE to the Comelec.

Still a third is Ismael ‘Chuck’ Mathay III, sole son of former long-time Quezon City Mayor Ismael Mathay Jr. Chuck Mathay ran and won as representative of Quezon City’s 2nd District in 2007 and 2010 and, like Asistio, failed to file his SOCE both times.

Running once more

From the roster of delinquent candidates come a few who have again filed their candidacies for various posts in the May 2016 elections. They include

• Kadra Asana Masihul, KBL, Sulu, who ran for provincial governor in 2013, now running for Board Member in the 1st District of Sulu;
• Albert Hans Corvera Palacios, Independent, 4th District Quezon City, who is running for the same position; he ran under the PMP banner in 2013;
• Pablo Camabrejan Villabar, KBL, Davao del Sur, running again for first district representative as an independent as in the 2013 elections;
• Amin Guintawan Sindao, independent, North Cotabato, running again for third district representative;
• Telesforo Magramo Gaan, independent candidate for governor of Romblon;
• Delfina Dorman Bicatulo, independent candidate for governor of Bukidnon;
• Ahmadjan Marogong Abdulcarim, independent candidate for governor of Lanao Del Sur;
• Justo III Hernandez Orros, independent candidate for vice governor of La Union; and
• Morsalim Alap-Polao Binnortominoray, Liberal Party candidate for vice governor of Lanao Del Sur, but independent candidate in 2013.

The lone candidate for senator, Greco Belgica, had challenged the inclusion of his name in the Comelec’s disqualification list when it first came out in December 2015. In a text message, he told the Philippine Daily Inquirer: “I filed and signed my SOCE in 2007 and 2013 so I cannot be charged for not filing my SOCE. Someone must be manipulating the records. The question is who?”

Belgica, Manila city councilor from 2004 to 2007, was a lead petitioner in a case that was filed before the Supreme Court in 2013 questioning the constitutionality of the pork-barrel system.

Weak parties

According to PulseAsia Research President Ronald Holmes, who is also a political science professor at De La Salle University, the presence of a big majority of “independent” candidates in the list of delinquents illustrates the weakness of the political party system in the country.

Notably, too, many of the candidates on the list have shifted from one to another political party across election years. This is consistent, Holmes says, with the culture of “turncoatism” or the relative ease by which politicians affiliate with different, but usually the dominant, political parties, during regime shifts.

“We don’t have substantive political parties in this country,” says Holmes. “They are basically absent. The large number of independents is not surprising and may simply mean that one does not have to be affiliated to run, and maybe even win, during the elections.”

When one considers the dynamics between politicians once they are in office, however, a different picture emerges.

At a recent public forum, Ateneo School of Government Dean Ronald Mendoza tackled political turncoatism by the candidates in regard to their quest for resources during election campaigns.

“On the local level, for example, it would be easier to engage the national government if you are allied with the current dominant party,” Mendoza said. “This can be in terms of resources, like budgets, and approvals for policies and contracts you want in your jurisdiction.”

PCIJ. Non-filers of SOCE, By Position, may 2016

No party discipline

This is not necessarily incongruous to Holmes’s assessment of the weakness of political parties during elections. Holmes even expresses little optimism when asked if political parties should or could be held responsible for policing their members who did not file their SOCEs.

“The parties themselves do not have that discipline,” he says. “Even at the national level, the dominating party is not necessarily strong or unified.”

For instance, after the May 2010 elections, “the Liberal Party was dominant but they couldn’t agree on who among them was supposed to be Senate President,” Holmes points out. “So someone not from the party took the position.”

Juan Ponce Enrile of the Nacionalista Party was elected Senate President in 2010 by a fragile coalition of political parties in the Upper Chamber.

Even the past presidents have had a history of party switching, Holmes says, adding that, “independence” is primarily a legal label than an individuality of thought or principles. Being an independent candidate, he says, simply means one was not formally nominated or affiliated with a party.

In Holmes’s book, it is highly possible that a majority of “independent” candidates on the list of delinquents may have had informal connections with the established political parties.

“They may,” he says. “This is largely determined by the dynamics on the ground and how they engage each other to achieve their goals. Take Grace Poe, for example. She’s currently independent but she may be ‘adopted’ by present political parties in the long run.”

Clans drive politics

But could, or should, delinquent candidates be allowed to run for office again?

Holmes voices concern that other than Comelec, political clans continue to drive the choice of candidates and the results of elections in many parts of the country.

“There are many powerful families and they can take control of representation mechanisms in their territories,” he observes. “The head of a political clan can determine what happens more than any external body, the Commission on Elections included.”

In areas where virulent clans with private armies rule, election officials may be hard put enforcing Comelec’s decision to disqualify delinquent candidates.

Still and all, in October 2015, when Comelec first came out with its initial list of delinquent candidates, CFO head Commissioner Lim had declared the poll body’s commitment to uphold the rule of law.

He told reporters that it was the first time Comelec had spelled out rules on the filing of petitions for disqualification of candidates who had failed to submit election spending reports to the poll body.

But because the rules provide the delinquents the opportunity to file appeals, Comelec can only collect and impose fines on such candidates until the CFO’s decision becomes final and executory.

Schedule of fines

On June 12, 2012, in Resolution No. 9476, Comelec said that for failure to file SOCEs for the first time, candidates, depending on the elective post they had run for, must pay an administrative fine ranging from P1,000 to P30,000, and for the second offense, from P2,000 to P60,000.

That could mean a tidy sum for Comelec – that is, if it does go after the delinquents to collect the fines and the candidates actually pay up.

For the 2013 elections alone, Comelec Chairman Andres Bautista had told reporters that 4,677 or about one in 10 of the candidates who ran for elective positions (net of the party-list groups) had failed to file their SOCEs, as of the deadline of July 2013. Bautista’s estimate is that the poll body could raise up to P52 million in fines from these delinquents.

But until the Comelec’s decision to perpetually bar these candidates from running for public office, becomes final and executory, there is only one, final, true judge and jury on these cases: the Filipino voter. — PCIJ, April 2016
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For details, check out PCIJ’s Money Politics Online