The Ampatuan Files

PHILIPPINE regional trial court Judge Jocelyn Solis-Reyes has finally denied the petition for bail of Andal Ampatuan Sr., the principal suspect in the 2009 Ampatuan massacre that led to the death of 58 people, 32 of them journalists and media workers.

Andal Ampatuan Sr

‘AS AN important note, however, the ruling of the court is not in judgment of guilt or innocence of the accused which requires proof beyond reasonable doubt which is addressed during a full-blown trial,’ Judge Solis-Reyes adds in her ruling denying the bail petition of Andal Ampatuan Sr. | Photo from interaksyon.com

Reyes, who is hearing the murder charges against the accused, denied Ampatuan’s bail plea more than five years after charges were filed against the suspects in what is now considered as the single deadliest attack against members of the media.

“Wherefore in view of foregoing and finding that evidence of guilt of accused is strong the bail petitions filed by Datu Andal Ampatuan Sr. are hereby denied,” Reyes said in her ruling according to a report of gmanetwork.com.

How influential are the Ampatuans in Maguindanao province? How well-connected are they? In 2013, the PCIJ released its documentary “Angkan,” which explored clan politics in the southern Philippine province.

Angkan Inc., is a documentary produced by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism in an effort to understand the past, present, and future links that define the clans that have ruled Maguindanao province for centuries. Maguindanao is one of several province whose ruling clans have a long historical and cultural heritage. As such, the clans are seen as very much a part of Maguindanao culture. However, the clans have, over the decades, also intruded into the local and national political scene with the help of patrons in Manila who see their use in the gathering of votes.

And how wealthy is Andal Ampatuan Sr? What are his businesses? Interestingly, the PCIJ found out in 2011 that while Andal Sr declared in his statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth that he is a simple farmer, he and his son, Zaldy, own more than 65 properties scattered throughout Maguindanao, Cotabato City, Davao City, and even in ritzy Dasmariñas Village in Makati, home to many foreign embassies and a refuge of the country’s rich and famous.

“These real properties range from a two-hectare farm lot in Cotabato City, to magnificent structures in Davao City and Shariff Aguak that tower over the simple abodes of one of the country’s poorest provinces. One residential property in Davao City alone covers at least 4,000 square meters, and has a mansion that dwarfs other high-end homes with its opulence.” – An Anarchy of Mansions

Click on the photo to read the full story.

The tall gates conceal the mansion in Juna Subdivision, Davao City, that is owned by Andal Ampatuan Sr. | PCIJ File Photo

The tall gates conceal the mansion in Juna Subdivision, Davao City, that is owned by Andal Ampatuan Sr. | PCIJ File Photo

Tomorrow: The money of the Ampatuans in the banks and how they tried to secure amnesty for their guns.

NBI probes Mei’s murder

PHOTO from Mei Magsino's Facebook page

PHOTO from Mei Magsino’s Facebook page

By Julius D. Mariveles

BAUAN, Batangas – The National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) is looking at three possible theories behind the case of former reporter Melinda “Mei” Magsino-Lubis who was gunned down in broad daylight Monday in Batangas City.

“It’s not limited to the work-related angle,” lawyer Constantino Joson, NBI Region IV director, said Tuesday, a day after he was instructed by Bureau Director Virgilio Mendez to conduct a full-blown investigation into Magsino’ murder.

A personal angle is also being looked into but Joson, interviewed at the wake, said he won’t disclose the third one yet.

A report on the website of the Philippine Daily Inquirer, for where Magsino had worked earlier as a correspondent, quoted Joson as saying that the NBI is also looking at “love angle” as one of the possible motives for the killing.

The NBI probe will run parallel to that being conducted by the Batangas Provincial Police Office that has also been directed by the PNP national office to proritize the solution of Magsino’s murder.

Joson and other NBI probers on Tuesday interviewed Magsino’s father, former Army colonel Danilo Magsino; her partner, chiropractor Benjie Reyes; and other members of her family.

SCREENGRAB from Cong B. Corrales | PCIJ video

NBI REGIONAL DIR. CRISANTO JOSON | Screengrab from Cong B. Corrales | PCIJ video

The NBI cannot classify yet classify the killing of Magsino as a media murder case, he said, because “it would depend on the evidence” that could be gathered in the following days. Ye, he added, it might take the NBI months, even years, to come up with the results of a “complete and thorough investigation.”

Magsino had written for the PCIJ’s “Local Bosses Across the Country” series in 2007 the story “Luck and the Governor” that focused on the alleged abuses and corruption of then Batangas Gov. Armando Sanchez.

Two years before that, Magsino fled the province after learning from police sources that two prisoners were released from jail, allegedly sent on a mission to kill her. Before her death, Magsino had helped run a chiropractic clinic and launched her own a search engine optimization firm, Reyes said.

A report on the print edition of the Inquirer also said that Magsino created two public groups on Facebook – Taga Bauan, Batangas, Ka Kung… (You are From Bauan, Batangas, if…), which discussed issues of graft and corruption; and Barako Batangas, which discussed issues from across the province.

Aside from having a former Army colonel as her father, Magsino, 40 (not 41 as earlier reported), also has a retired general for an uncle. Another uncle, Sael Magsino, ran but lost for councilor under the Nacionalista Party.

Town Mayor Ryanh M. Dolor and majority of the councilors are members of the Liberal Party.

The Batangas provincial government declared Magsino a persona non grata after she and Sanchez had a confrontation during a news conference, the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility said in a report in 2005. it also said Magsino was asking favors from Sanchez but the governor turned her down.

Sanchez died on April 2010 after suffering a stroke.

CCTV clip, bullet slug

Joson also said that they will be requesting the family to submit some digital equipment owned by Magsino for forensic examination, including her mobile phone and a laptop computer.

The spent casing of a .45 caliber bullet, which Reyes presumed was the type of handgun used in the killing of Magsino, is now with her family and has yet to be turned over to the NBI or the police.

Reyes said Magsino’s’ father took the casing that was found near her body because the local police took so long to arrive at the scene of the killing. In fact, Reyes added, the body of his partner was sprawled at least three hours on the street before it was taken to a local morgue.

The NBI will also request one of the shops in the village of Balagtas, the place where she was shot, to submit a clip from their closed-circuit TV (CCTV) camera that is believed to have recorded the killing of Magsino.

The NBI regional office headed by Joson also investigated two years ago the brutal killing of Batangas assistant provincial prosecutor Alexander Sandoval who was killed on June 13, 2013.

Counting the fallen under PNoy

PHOTO from Mei Magsino's Facebook page

PHOTO from Mei Magsino’s Facebook page

IF Mei Magsino-Lubis’ case is counted, she will be the 32nd journalist killed under the administration of President Benigno S. Aquino III.

In 2005, Magsino-Lubis was classified by the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists as a “threatened” journalist.

“The warning followed a series of articles that Lubis has written on local corruption, including allegations that the governor, Armando Sanchez, has been involved in illegal gambling. She has also written reports investigating the May 30 murder of a provincial official who was investigating the governor’s activities.” – Committee to Protect Journalists, August 9, 2005

On November 20, 2013, the PCIJ published a two-part article for the fourth year of the Ampatuan Massacre, which showed that 23 journalists were killed in 40 months under PNoy, the worst case load under any Philippine president since 1986.

Fifty-two people were killed, 32 of them journalists and media workers, in the Ampatuan Massacre on November 23, 2009 – the highest death toll for journalists worldwide in a single incident.

Since November 2013, eight more journalists were killed in only 16 months, or an average of one journalist every two months.

In fact, during Aquino’s first 40 months in office, from July 2010 to October 2013, at least 23 journalists were killed, among them 16 radio broadcasters and seven print journalists. It is a trail of blood redder, thicker, and worse compared to the number of work-related media murders per year under four other presidents before him, including his late mother Corazon ‘Cory’ C. Aquino and his immediate predecessor Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

Of these 23 media-killing cases, half are already dead in the water because of failure by police investigators to identify or arrest suspects. Only four are in the trial stage. Twelve of the murder cases have no charges filed against anyone yet, while the remaining seven are still in the level of the public prosecutor or the Department of Justice (DOJ) for the determination of probable cause. In other words, less than a fifth of the media murder cases have moved beyond the investigation phase.

PCIJ-Figure.-Media-murder-and-PHL-presidents.-Nov-2013

For sure, part of the problem lies with a criminal justice system that is in need of a serious overhaul. But there is also no doubt that for so long as the Aquino administration continues to lack clear and unequivocal policy directions on media killings, the trail of blood will only get longer.

“The killings are being encouraged by the fact that of the killers of journalists, no mastermind has been tried or punished,” says former University of the Philippines College of Mass Communications Dean Luis Teodoro, now a trustee of the Freedom Fund for Filipino Journalists (FFFJ).

“What is disappointing is that we were hoping (for better) under President Aquino, son of the two icons of democracy,” says Rowena Paraan, chairperson of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP).

“He ran under a platform of anticorruption, transparency, and human rights,” she says. “We were thinking na magkakaroon ng political will and decisive action to address the killings, not only of the media, but also of the activists, priests, and lawyers.”

Click on the image below to read the full article.

PCIJ-Table.-Media-murders-PHL-Presidents.-Nov-2013

Former journalist shot dead

A FORMER correspondent of the Philippine Daily Inquirer was shot dead noontime today, April 13, 2015, in Batangas City.

The Inquirer reported that a motorcycle-riding gunman shot dead Melinda “Mei” Magsino-Lubis, 41, in the village of Balagtas. She died on the spot with a gunshot wound to the head.

Click on the photo to read the full article on the Inquirer website.

PHOTO from Mei Magsino's Facebook page

PHOTO from Mei Magsino’s Facebook page

Magsino also wrote an article for the PCI on February 2007 about Batangas Governor Armando Sanchez who was alleged then to be a major operator of an illegal numbers game in his province.

WHETHER OR not he is or once was a jueteng lord as many people seem to be believe, it can at least be said that Batangas Governor Armando Sanchez has been enjoying the luck of the draw for the past few years. In 2001, he was elected mayor of Sto. Tomas town, which leaped from being a fifth-class municipality to first-class during his term. In 2004, he emerged winner in a field of seven candidates for governor, despite the fact that he was a relative unknown who was up against big-name and more experienced politicos. In 2006, he narrowly escaped death (although two of his aides were killed) when a planted bomb blew up his Humvee, which he was riding at the time.

Click on photo to read Magsino’s report on our iReport magazine online version.

magsino_last pcij story

In 2005, Magsino became the subject of a PCIJ report “Reporting Under the Gun,” which detailed how she fled Batangas after receiving a tip from police sources that two prisoners were released and were given specific orders to kill her.

That same night, Magsino-Lubis said goodbye to her family and left the farm, her home for only nine months, and Batangas, where she has lived for all her 30 years. “Doon ako tinubuan ng sungay (That’s where I grew horns),” Magsino-Lubis says of her province. “But I did not have a choice (other than to leave).” In her backpack, she tucked five tops, three pairs of jeans, six pairs of underwear, four pairs of socks, documents, photographs, notepads, pens, and about P22,000 in cash. In her bones ran a cold, steady stream of fear.

Click here to read in full “Reporting Under the Gun.”

Backstory: Top cops gone awry

By Rowena F. Caronan

FINGERS ARE crossed that whoever becomes the next Director General of the Philippine National Police (PNP) would not also become a magnet of controversies like many of his predecessors.

In fact, of the four PNP heads who have served under President Benigno S. Aquino III, only one – Nicanor A. Bartolome – managed to bow out of service scandal-free. The rest somehow became entangled in controversies that rocked their leadership of an institution tasked to enforce the law and maintain peace and order.

PNP’s most recent chief, Alan L.M. Purisima, resigned last February 6 amid the investigation on the Mamasapano incident.

Purisima had the longest tenure as PNP director general post under Aquino, a distinction that is likely to remain until Aquino’s own term as President ends. Purisima’s more than two years as PNP chief, however, has been marred with numerous controversies – starting with his appointment on December 18, 2012.

His immediate predecessor, Bartolome, had been asked to relinquish his post three months ahead of his mandatory retirement on March 16, 2013. The reason for Bartolome’s early retirement, Malacañang said, was to have a smooth transition of the tasks of the PNP head to whoever was appointed and for preparations for the May 2013 elections to proceed without hitches. After all, the election ban on appointments would begin March 29, 2013 – too close to Bartolome’s mandatory retirement date.

Bartolome had initially planned to go on “non-duty” status before end-2012 while holding on to his four-star rank until March to obtain full retirement benefits. The four-star rank, however, is the highest title in PNP and held by only one police official. This meant that until Bartolome retired, his replacement, Purisima, would remain a three-star official and on the same rank as some of his subordinates.

Both Bartolome and Purisima are known long-time shooting buddies of President Aquino. During the term of the President’s mother, Cory Aquino, Bartolome and Purisima had been members of the Presidential Security Group assigned to protect the Aquino family.

Bartolome eventually agreed to early retirement, enabling Purisima to obtain the highest rank in the PNP upon his installation into office. Following his appointment, Purisima promised to walk the path of Aquino’s “Daang Matuwid,” saying his administration would not tolerate erring and corrupt police officers.

He spelled out his plans for the PNP through a program called “CODE-P: 2013,” which stood for competence, organizational development, discipline, excellence and professionalism. He continued the Individual Performance Scorecard (IP Scorecard), which served as performance monitoring and evaluation mechanism that became the basis for sanctioning or rewarding a police officer. In October 2013, Purisima relieved police officers in Western Visayas and Central Luzon for alleged inaccurate reporting of crime statistics in their jurisdiction. He also relieved the police officers involved in the rubout in Antimonan, Quezon in December of the same year.

Since March 2014, however, it has been downhill for Purisima. The first blows were graft and plunder complaints about a multi-million-peso contract that the PNP signed with the Werfast Documentation Agency Inc. to deliver gun permits. Werfast was allegedly charging overpriced and substandard service. According to the complainant, Werfast was not in the Department of Transportation and Communication’s (DOTC’s) list of authorized courier service; moreover, the company allegedly secured its certificate of incorporation only three months after the deal had been made in May 2011.

News reports later quoted Purisima as admitting that the contract did not undergo a public bidding since the PNP would not pay for the courier fees. By December 2014, his involvement in the anomalous contract would become the basis for the Ombudsman to order a six-month preventive suspension on him and other police officers.

In June 2014, Purisima was also questioned for spending P25 million for the renovation of his official residence or the “White House” at Camp Crame. Indirect bribery charges were filed against him in September for supposedly accepting gifts from his Mason brothers, who donated funds that were used for the renovation. In addition, he was slapped with graft and plunder charges for his alleged untruthful declaration of the value of a multi-million-peso property in Nueva Ecija, as well as the absence in his Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth of a 10-hectare piece of land in Talisay, Batangas that he is said to own. Purisima has denied owning the Batangas property.

More recently, Purisima found himself at the center of the Senate investigation on the Mamasapano tragedy. He was lambasted for allegedly meddling in the operations of the PNP Special Action Force (SAF) team on January 25, 2015 in the remote Maguindanao town even while on a preventive suspension. On that day, SAF troopers had an unexpected clash or “misencounter” with members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) during a mission to capture terrorist Zulkifli bin Hir (also known as Marwan) and bomb-maker Abdul Basit Usman. The Mamasapano clash claimed the lives of 44 SAF officers, 18 MILF members, and five civilians.

In previous occasions, President Aquino, upon being questioned by the media, had repeatedly defended Purisima. But on February 6, Aquino announced on live television that he had accepted Purisima’s resignation. Purisima’s mandatory retirement, however, is on November 21, 2015 yet.

The Mamasapano tragedy is one of the two largest botched operations of the PNP under Aquino’s term. The first took place on Aug. 23, 2010, during which the apparent mishandling of police operations led to the death of eight Hong Kong nationals being held hostage by a dismissed police officer. The hostage-taker was also killed in the incident.

The hostage crisis, which earned the country international shame and infamy, involved then outgoing PNP director general Jesus A. Verzosa.

Versoza had already resigned by the time the report of the Incident Investigation and Review Committee on the hostage crisis came out in September 2010. Even while Versoza was identified as one of the culpable parties, no legal action was taken against him and other high-ranking officials, including then Interior and Local Government Undersecretary Rico E. Puno. Puno was known to be the President’s close ally.

Verzosa was named PNP chief in September 2008 by then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He remained in his post until September 2010 or about three months after Aquino took office. Yet even after his retirement, Verzosa still made headlines, along with his successor, Raul M. Bacalzo, as one of the alleged recipients of multi-million-peso monthly jueteng payola. Both denied the allegations.

Bacalzo re-implemented a one-strike policy on jueteng and illegal gambling activities immediately after his appointment in September 2010. Under the policy, PNP commanders would face relief if illegal activities remained active in their jurisdiction. Bacalzo also banned police officials from playing golf during office hours to improve the PNP’s image.

By the time his term ended in September 2011, Bacalzo had ordered the removal of the PNP logistics director and other officials as chairman and members of the Bids and Awards Committee that was involved in the anomalous procurement of choppers in 2009. His office also conducted a probe on the irregular repairs of light armored vehicles in 2007.

Bacalzo’s tenure as PNP chief, however, was marked by a rash of car thefts, bus bombings, and alleged ambushes of the National People’s Army (NPA). Yet, in a statement posted on the PNP website, the country’s crime rate supposedly decreased under Bacalzo’s leadership.

Bacalzo was Aquino’s first appointee in the PNP. Although he led the institution briefly, he is the only one so far who served until his mandatory retirement, which was on September 9, 2011.

Succeeding Bacalzo was Bartolome, who hails from the President’s ancestral hometown, Tarlac. Before his selection as PNP chief, Bartolome was popularly known as the face and mouthpiece of the organization, serving as such under several PNP director generals.

Bartolome headed the PNP for 15 months, from September 2011 to December 2012. He is remembered for securing funding for the construction of various PNP hospitals, including those built in Camp Martin Delgado in Iloilo City and Camp Rafael C. Rodriguez in Butuan City. His success in securing projects from the Department of Health, however, is credited largely to his having a wife – Dr. Noemi Bartolome – working there. – PCIJ, March 2015