Deadline Approaching: Basic Investigative Reporting Seminar

Basic IR web photo-large

PCIJ’s Basic Investigative Reporting Seminar: Political Clans, Governance, and Journalists’ Safety

Open to mid-career and senior Filipino journalists, citizen media, and bloggers
Researchers, anchors, producers, editors, news managers, freelance reporters, contributors, and stringers of print, TV, radio, and online media may apply. Citizen media and bloggers covering public policy issues are also eligible.

Application Deadlines and Tentative Seminar Dates:

Visayas
Application Deadline: May 17, 2013
Seminar Dates: June 27–30, 2013

Mindanao
Application Deadline: June 10, 2013
Seminar Dates: July 25–28, 2013

Luzon
Application Deadline: July 10, 2013
Seminar Dates: Aug. 22–25, 2013

NCR
Application Deadline Aug. 1, 2013
Seminar Dates: Sept. 19–22, 2013

Seminar Topics

Session 1: Media Killings, Political Violence, and the Culture of Impunity in the Philippines

Overview of media killings and human rights abuses in the Philippines; the hot spots of political violence and human rights abuse; The legal context, and international and Philippine protocols on Conflict, Human Rights, and Extra-Judicial Killings.

Panel Discussion with officials from government agencies involved in monitoring and prosecuting human rights and extra judicial killings cases such as the Philippine National Police, the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Department of Justice, and the Commission on Human Rights

Session 2: Political Clans: Past and Future Links

Historical analysis of political clans and their networks in government; The connections between the rule of political clans in certain areas with development plans and the socio-economic conditions of the areas; Participation of certain political clans in the May 13, 2013 national and local elections and its implications for governance.

Session 3: The Government’s Purse: Tracking the State’s Resources

The government’s budget process, assessment of the use and spending of various lump-sum funds (e.g., PDAF, IRA), and the sources of financing available to national and local government agencies; Information and insights journalists may derive from datasets available on government websites.

Session 4: Ethics and Safety: Field and Newsroom Judgment Calls

Discussion of measures that newsrooms may implement to protect journalists, and ethical and editorial standards that media agencies may institutionalize; Practical safety tips and safe-passage techniques in high-risk and dangerous areas of coverage.

Session 5: The Fundamentals of Investigative Reporting

Investigative methods and tools that could be used when studying political clans, governance, and extra-judicial killings.

Session 6. Tracking the Investigative Trails

  • Practice Set A. The Paper Trail: Understanding, Connecting, and Organizing Documents and Databases — a “show-and-tell” session of the different types of documents useful for journalists doing in-depth reports on political clans and governance.
  • Practice Set B. The People Trail: The Art of the Interviewmock interviews and critique session

Session 7: Putting the Story Together

Various techniques to make a complicated and data-driven story accessible to citizens; How an investigative report can be translated for broadcast (TV and radio) or rendered on multimedia platforms.

Workshop: Pitching Story Ideas and Developing Story Plans

Funding

The PCIJ will cover:

  • Round-trip transportation from the participant’s place of work and/or residence to the seminar venue.
  • Board and lodging during the seminar.

The PCIJ will also provide a modest fellowship grant for story proposals that will be approved during or immediately after the seminar.

Application Requirements

  1. Completed application form with two references (see attached .doc file).
  2. One or two samples of work discussing public policy, development, human rights, or governance issues.
    • For print and online: link to the stories or attach copies of stories in Word or PDF
    • For TV and radio: link to the broadcast story, or attach script or story concept/treatment

Successful applicants will be notified within 10 working days after deadline.
The seminar graduates will be accorded priority slots in the subsequent Advanced Investigative Reporting Seminars that PCIJ will conduct in 2014.

Sending your application:

By email:
Email address: training@pcij.org
Please state ‘Application to Basic IR Seminar’ on the subject line

Note: We will acknowledge receipt of all submissions. If you do not receive any reply within three working days, please resend your application and move a follow-up email or call (02) 410-4768.

By fax:
Telefax: (02) 410-4768
Please write ‘ATTN: PCIJ Training Desk’ on the fax cover sheet

Note: After faxing, please call (02) 410-4768 to confirm if all the documents had been transmitted successfully.

By mail:

The Training Desk
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism
3/F Criselda 2 Bldg., 107 Scout de Guia St.
Brgy. Sacred Heart, Quezon City 1104

Note: We will acknowledge receipt of mailed applications via email or text.

Questions?
Please contact the PCIJ Training Desk at (02) 410-4768 or training@pcij.org

Through combined onsite and field learning sessions, the seminar aims to enhance the participants’ investigative reporting skills and practice, and offer a framework for analyzing media killings and safety issues in the context of governance, the culture of impunity, and the presence of political clans and private armed groups in many parts of the country. The seminar also seeks to highlight the role of the police and the Commission on Human Rights as vital sources of journalists.

The seminar will feature lecture-discussions and workshops to identify potential risks and practical safety tips when covering dangerous assignments. A Story Development Workshop will give participants an opportunity to pitch story proposals that the PCIJ may consider for fellowship grants and editorial supervision.

Experts from the academe, national media organizations, the police, human rights agencies and organizations, and data repository agencies will lead the discussions.

This seminar series draws support from the US-based National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

Philippines No. 3 worst case of impunity vs media — CPJ

TOMORROW, MAY 3, is World Press Freedom Day.

Yet instead of joyful celebration, solemn tribute through action on the cases of journalists who had been killed, and whose killers remain at large, should mark the day, according to the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

The CPJ launched today, May 2, its 2013 Impunity Index (“Getting Away With Murder”), which details the cases of “unpunished violence against the press” as a percentage of each country’s population.

The Impunity Index, published annually, “identifies countries where journalists are murdered regularly and governments fail to solve the crimes.”

The latest index covers murders that occurred from January 1, 2003, through December 31, 2012, and remain unsolved. Only nations with five or more unsolved cases are listed. The Index’s methodology considers cases unsolved “when no convictions have been won.”

Twelve countries that are the deadliest places in the world for journalists made it to the 2013 Impunity Index.

The Philippines landed in third slot after Iraq and Somalia.

Highlights of the CPJ’s 2013 Impunity Index follow:

1. IRAQ: “Iraq has the world’s worst record on impunity. No convictions have been obtained in 93 journalist slayings in the past decade. The vast majority of the victims, 95 percent, were local journalists. They include freelance cameraman Tahrir Kadhim Jawad, who was killed on assignment outside Baghdad in 2010 when a bomb attached to his car exploded. Jawad was a ‘courageous cameraman’ known for getting footage ‘where others had failed,’ Mohammad al-Jamili, Baghdad bureau chief for the U.S. government-funded outlet Al-Hurra, said at the time. Police opened an investigation but made no arrests.”

Impunity Index Rating: 2.818 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 1st with a rating of 2.906

2. SOMALIA: “In a country with a long history of media killings, 2012 was the deadliest year on record for the press. Twelve journalists were murdered in reprisal for their work in 2012 despite relative calm in the capital, Mogadishu. Given the ouster of Al-Shabaab insurgents from Mogadishu in 2011, the killings raised concern that reporters were being targeted by a widening field of politically motivated antagonists. Journalists with the aggressive Shabelle Media Network paid a high price: Four were slain in 2012 and three in the preceding years. The 2012 victims included Hassan Osman Abdi, known by the nickname ‘Fantastic,’ the network’s director and the producer of news programs. Nationwide, 23 journalist murders over the past decade have gone unsolved.”

Impunity Index Rating: 2.396 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 2nd with a rating of 1.183

3. PHILIPPINES: “Despite President Benigno Aquino III’s vow to reverse impunity in journalist murders, the Philippines ranked third worst worldwide for the fourth consecutive year. Fifty-five journalist murders have gone unsolved in the past decade. The 2011 Ortega murder reflects the politically inspired nature of the large majority of Philippine killings, along with the general breakdown in the rule of law that has allowed the killings to continue. Ortega, a radio talk show host who exposed corruption, was shot in the back of the head while shopping in a Puerto Princesa City clothing store. Police soon made arrests and traced the murder weapon to a provincial governor’s aide. But the case suffered a severe blow in 2013 when an alleged conspirator who had turned state witness was killed in prison.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.580 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 3rd with a rating of 0.589

4. SRI LANKA: “Sri Lanka’s impunity rating was unchanged from 2012. But four years after the end of the nation’s long civil war, President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s administration has shown no interest in pursuing the perpetrators in nine journalist murders over the past decade. All of the victims had reported on politically sensitive issues in ways that were critical of the Rajapaksa government. The cases include the fatal 2009 beating of prominent newspaper editor Lasantha Wickramatunga. ‘If there are really independent investigations, many murders and attacks may be traced back to highest-level government politicians and military officials,’ said Ruki Fernando, a human rights defender with the Law and Society Trust.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.431 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 4th with a rating of 0.431

5. COLOMBIA: “Colombia’s rating showed little change from 2012, but the nation, once one of the world’s deadliest for the press, has made steady progress over time. No journalists have been murdered for their work in Colombia since 2010. Improvements in the overall security climate have generally outpaced judicial gains, said Carlos Cortez, one of the founders of the Colombian press freedom group Foundation for a Free Press. The government provides security directly to journalists under threat. Among the eight unsolved murders over the past decade is the 2003 shooting of Jaime Rengifo Revero, a radio host who had criticized government security efforts in the north. Two former right-wing paramilitary members face charges in the killing.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.171 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 5th with a rating of 0.173

6. AFGHANISTAN: “No journalists have been murdered in Afghanistan since 2008, but authorities have shown no progress in pursuing suspects in the five unsolved cases over the past decade. The most recent victim was Abdul Samad Rohani, Helmand correspondent for the BBC’s Pashto service and a contributor to the Pajhwok Afghan News agency. Rohani, abducted and shot in 2008, had recently reported on drug trafficking and its links to government officials. The planned 2014 withdrawal of NATO troops has raised new concerns about the overall security climate and, with it, the news media’s safety.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.142 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 7th with a rating of 0.145

7. MEXICO: “President Enrique Pena Nieto has inherited a 90 percent impunity rate in journalist murders. Fifteen slayings have gone unsolved over the past decade, with most of the killings attributed to criminals affiliated with the country’s powerful cartels or to corrupt police and government officials. Journalist murders have declined slightly over the past three years, but CPJ research has concluded that the drop is due in part to the self-censorship that has taken hold in virtually every corner of the nation outside the capital. In May 2012, a Nuevo Laredo newspaper officially announced that it would no longer cover anything related to criminal groups. Congress and the states federalized crimes against free expression last year in a series of promising moves designed to move cases out of corrupt local jurisdictions.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.131 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 8th with a rating of 0.132

8. PAKISTAN: “Pakistan’s failure to prosecute a single suspect in the 23 journalist murders over the past decade has pushed it up two spots on the index. A new onslaught of violence came in 2012, with five murders. One of the few cases to progress from investigation to trial was derailed last year when an eyewitness to the 2011 murder of Geo TV reporter Babar was gunned down two days before he was due to testify. Pakistani news media are vibrant and unified in speaking out against impunity; in March, representatives of dozens of outlets and groups began crafting a plan to improve journalist safety as part of the U.N. effort. But any optimism is tempered by a stark reality: CPJ research shows that journalists face an astonishing array of threats, not only from militants and warlords but from military, security, and government officials.:

Impunity Index Rating: 0.130 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 10th with a rating of 0.109

9. RUSSIA: “With 14 unsolved murder cases since 2003, Russia is the ninth worst country on the index. Journalists in the North Caucuses have been the most vulnerable in recent years; the most recent victim is Kazbek Gekkiyev, a state television anchor working in the region, who was shot three times in December 2012 on his way home from work. Russia’s historically poor record in prosecuting journalist killers prompted human rights lawyers and the mother of a journalist missing and presumed dead to submit a case to the European Court of Human Rights arguing that Russia fosters a state pattern of impunity in murders of journalists.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.099 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 9th with a rating of 0.113

10. BRAZIL: “With nine unsolved cases, Brazil’s impunity rating has soared in recent years. Despite its expressed commitments to justice, Brazil has recorded no new convictions since 2010. Four journalists were murdered in 2012, the highest annual toll the regional powerhouse has seen in a decade. Three of the four 2012 victims worked for online publications. They included website editor Mario Randolfo Marques Lopes, who had aggressively covered government corruption and police misconduct. Provincial reporters, working out of the national media limelight and in areas where law enforcement is weak or corrupt, have been especially vulnerable in Brazil.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.046 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 11th with a rating of 0.026

11. NIGERIA: “A steady rise in anti-press violence in recent years has pushed Nigeria onto the index for the first time. With five unsolved murders, it has the second worst impunity rating in Africa, behind only Somalia. Those covering the activities of the extremist Muslim group Boko Haram are particularly vulnerable. In 2012, assailants shot and killed Enenche Akogwu of independent Channels TV as he reported on the aftermath of terrorist attacks in the northern city of Kano.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.031 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Nigeria was not on the 2012 index

12. INDIA: “Despite its growing international profile, India has lagged in ensuring free expression and the rule of law. No convictions have been won in the cases of six journalists murdered for reporting on local corruption, crime, or politics. Time and again, CPJ research shows, the arrests made after an attack have failed to lead to prosecutions. This is the case for Rajesh Mishra, who died after assailants hit him with iron rods in March 2012. Mishra worked for a Hindi-language weekly and had written about financial irregularities at schools in Rewa. Six suspects were arrested last year but none have been convicted.”

Impunity Index Rating: 0.005 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants last year: Ranked 12th with a rating of 0.005

The release of 2013 index, CPJ said, “comes at a pivotal moment in the global struggle against impunity.” It cited a United Nations plan “to combat deadly anti-press violence gets under way this year, with Pakistan being an early focal point,” as well as “to strengthen journalist safety programs and assist member states in developing ways to prosecute the killers of journalists.”

In the Philippine case, the 2013 CPJ report averred that, “the insecurity of witnesses is a key problem in addressing impunity.”

“Authorities in the Philippines… have yet to make headway in the prosecution of dozens of suspects in a politically motivated massacre in Maguindanao province that claimed the lives of more than 50 people, including 32 journalists and media workers, in 2009,” the report said. “Three witnesses in the Maguindanao case have themselves been murdered, one of them dismembered and mutilated.”

“Each time a witness is killed, it affects the morale of other witnesses by showcasing how inept the government is in ensuring their safety,” says Michaella Ortega whose father, prominent radio host Gerardo Ortega, was shot dead in 2011 in Puerto Princesa, Palawan. A key witness to the murder had been killed in jail.

Among other insights, the CPJ’s 2013 Impunity Index also noted that:

– “Local journalists were the victims in the vast majority of unsolved cases on CPJ’s index. Only 11 of the 265 murder cases on the index involve journalists working outside their own country.”

– “Political reporting was the most dangerous beat. Thirty percent of the victims included on CPJ’s index covered political news. Another 20 percent reported on corruption, the second most dangerous topic.”

– “Government and military officials are considered the leading suspects in 26 percent of murder cases on the index.”

– “Responding to threats could save lives. In nearly half of the cases reviewed for the index, victims received death threats prior to their murders.”

– “In dozens of cases, the killers clearly intended to send an intimidating message to the entire press corps. In 48 percent of cases in the index, the victims were abducted or tortured before being killed.”

CPJ’s Impunity Index is compiled as part of the organization’s Global Campaign Against Impunity, which is supported by the Adessium Foundation, the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation, and the Open Society Foundations.

ANGKAN, INC. docu now online


The full PCIJ documentary on the Maguindanao clans is now online

A VIDEO DOCUMENTARY produced by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) on the continuing rule of the political clans in Maguindanao province may now be viewed online.

ANGKAN, INC. was produced by the PCIJ with assistance from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Commission on Human Rights (CHR). The documentary was also broadcast by television network TV5 on Sunday, April 28, as part of the station’s Balwarte series.

The PCIJ documentary looks at the roots of clan rule in Maguindanao, tracing it to as far back as the rule of the Datus at the height of the Sultanate of Maguindanao, before the arrival of the Spaniards i the Philippines. Over the centuries, especially in the last hundred years, the royal clans of Maguindanao had evolved from religious and cultural pillars of the society into political clans courted by the powers that be in Manila, beginning first with the American colonial regime, followed by successive Philippine governments after the declaration of Independence.

The continued political and economic influence of the clans became all the more apparent during election years, when they field large numbers of clan members, effectively smothering many other aspirants for public office.

The print versions of the documentary may be viewed here:

Ampatuans, web of kin warp Maguindanao polls

Maguindanao’s misery: Absentee officials, absence of rage, poverty

National politics prop dynasties to win elections

 

Mindanao broadcaster shot dead

MARIO VENDIOLA

Vendiola: 130th journalist killed since 1986

ANOTHER BROADCASTER was shot and killed Monday morning in Barangay Salipyasin, Kabasalan town, Zamboanga Sibugay province.

Mario Vendiola, more popularly known in his radio program as Kuya Mar, was the first journalist to be killed in the country in 2013.

In an emailed media alert, JB Deveza, Mindanao Media Safety Officer of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) reported that Vendiola was shot and killed at around 11:45 Monday morning.

Two unidentified men riding a motorcycle pumped at least four bullets into Vendiola in front of a gas station along the national highway in Barangay Salipyasin, as the latter was on his way home on board his motorcycle. The suspects used a .45 caliber pistol “as evidenced by spent shells recovered by police investigators at the scene of the shooting,” Deveza stated in the alert.

“(He) was hit in the head and died on the spot,” the NUJP alert said.

“We are treating this murder as work-related, unless proven otherwise,” Deveza said. Deveza said the NUJP will do an onsite investigation Tuesday to gather more information on the murder.

Vendiola was an anchorman-reporter of 101.3 FM Radyo Natin Kabasalan. He is the first journalist killed this year and the 12th killed under the Aquino administration. Based on the databank of the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR), Vendiola is the 130th media practitioner killed in the line of duty since press freedom was restored in 1986.

Investigators are still investigating the possible motives for the murder of Vendiola.

Manila’s shame: Nat’l politicos prop clans to win elections

THE DATU system, an ancient political and social structure that has defined much of the history of the southern Philippines, provides continuity between a proud past and the tumultuous present in Maguindanao.

Yet it is one that has radically evolved — some would even say corrupted –into what many outsiders now perceive to be a system of patronage, corruption, inefficiency, and ruthlessness, especially in the province. As a result, the clans it has produced in the province are now perceived by many as the poster children of the worst kind of political dynasties.

But the problem is not a homegrown local phenomenon alone. National politicians and national poliical parties in Manila have also to share much of the blame: To win elections and to achieve political pre-eminence, they have cultivated datus or clans of choice as surrogates. They have stripped transformed the datus from traditional and religious leaders into political lieutenants.

It started with the American colonial administration, carried on to President Manuel L. Quezon who practically banned datuism in the 1935 Constitution, to the late strongman Ferdinand E. Marcos, and on to all the presidents that followed after the 1986 EDSA People Power revolt. Each president actually chose each his/her own favored datu or clan.

The story of the Ampatuans is most instructive. At the height of the Moro rebellion in the 1970s, however, Andal Ampatuan Sr. was not yet pandering to Malacañang. Like his grandfather. he became a rebel, his town of Ampatuan being “one of the sites of the fiercest fights, especially Christian and Muslim fights.”

In 1987, Andal Sr. ran and won as mayor of Maganoy, now named Shariff Aguak. The year 2001 was another turning point for the Ampatuans, with Andal Sr. elected governor of Maguidanao. It is said that Andal had the backing of the military, because his main rival, Zacaria Candao, was widely perceived to be coddling to Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).

In Manila, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was busy struggling to consolidate her position after ousting Joseph Estrada in the second People Power revolt. Hounded by questions of legitimacy, Arroyo was besieged by pro-Estrada supporters who rioted in front of Malacañang in May 2001. All in all, the time was ripe for the interests of Andal Sr. and Gloria Arroyo to intersect.

In the years that followed, Andal Sr. carefully built his relationship with both military and political leaders on the regional and national levels.

Retired Lt. Gen. Raymundo Ferrer, who served as martial law administrator of Maguindanao after the 2009 Maguindanao Massacre, acknowledges that the Ampatuan clan wielded an inordinate amount of influence on virtually all levels, even beyond the confines of Central Mindanao. It was a kind of clout that was unique to the Ampatuans, he says, and could not be seen with other political clans all over the Philippines.

“The clans were that powerful, to a point where they choose which battalion commander will be appointed there, or brigade commander,” he says. “Or even division commander, they can make a special request to higher authority. They can show that if you do not cooperate they can call on people higher than you.”

In large measure, Maguindanao remains a changeless story for now. National politicians have gone a-courting the clans again. Team P-Noy of the Liberal Party ruling coalition, as well as the opposition United Nationalist Alliance have adopted and endorsed their respective shares of candidates from the clans in the May 2013 elections. Party platform or philosophy seems to have little to do with the choices, more than the candidates’ winnability.

Yet still, the tide of change has started to take root in Maguindanao, as much as in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. “Young Moros” and civil society groups are now taking their place of honor in the political discourse, and transformation of the province and the region.

Read Part 3 and the Sidebars of “The Clan Politics of Maguindanao” here:

Part 3: National politicos prop dynasties to win elections
Sidebar: The wealth of Gov. Toto
Sidebar: The Change-makers