Senators’ pork: P5.78-B in 2 years

TAXPAYERS paid P1.86 million on average for every project that was supposedly implemented using the pork barrel or Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) of 21 senators in the 15th Congress from June 2010 to June 2012.

What are the most expensive, and what, the cheapest, projects?

Browse through the Public Funds section of PCIJ’s MoneyPolitics Online to learn more about your legislators’ spending patterns.

The most expensive were those implemented under the “soft projects” category, such as cash assistance to indigent patients, scholarship, livelihood projects, and financial assistance to local government units (LGUs). The 953 “soft projects” rolled out during the period cost taxpayers P2.08 billion, or P2.18 million on average.

In contrast, infrastructure or “hard projects” implemented using pork money seemed to have cost less.

A total of 2,151 infrastructure projects were funded with P3.7 billion of the senators’ pork during the same period. On average, each hard project cost taxpayers P1.72 million. These projects include the construction and/or repair of roads and bridges, drainage and boulder bank protection, multi-purpose buildings and pavements, school buildings, and health centers.

Another P4.3 million, however, went to three other projects with no specifications at all.

In sum, the 21 senators used their combined P5.78-billion pork allocations on 3,107 pet projects from June 2010 to June 2012.

Two other senators, Joker P. Arroyo and Panfilo M. Lacson, did not avail themselves of their PDAF allocations. The 24th senator of the 15th Congress, Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III, was elected President in May 2010.

Pork is the exclusive perk of legislators. But in December 2010, Vice President Jejomar ‘Jojo’ C. Binay asked Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile to allot PDAF shares to the Office of the Vice President.

President Aquino agreed and instructed the Senate to grant Binay P200 million in annual pork share, using the PDAF Aquino was supposed to receive as the 24th senator.

The 2011 General Appropriations Act (GAA) made only passing mention of Binay’s pork share in the paragraphs on “allocation of funds.”

In the 2012 GAA, however, Malacanang and Congress somehow put Binay’s pork in order — his P200-million pork allotment was enrolled in the budget of the Office of the Vice President.

MoneyPolitics now online: Surf on!

TODAY, World Press Freedom Day, PCIJ welcomes you all to MoneyPolitics.PCIJ.org, a citizen’s resource, research, and analysis tool on elections, public funds, and governance in the Philippines.

MoneyPolitics, the boldest venture yet of PCIJ into the realm of the unknown and the intractable — big data, open data, and data journalism — started with a simple dream.

Few big, serial donors betting on poll bets since ’98
Check out our latest report on MoneyPolitics Online!

The pool of donors of the national candidates in the Philippines remains an exclusive club of a few big donors who come from old elite families, big business entities, affluent law firms, and even some parties who have secured contracts and appointive positions with the government, a PCIJ review of public records on the last five elections reveals.

Even fewer still are the repeat donors and families of donors who may be called the frequent spenders or high rollers in national elections since 1998.

In contrast, the number of citizens donating small amounts to the candidates — either out of faith in the politics or policies that the latter espouse, or for benign or self-serving reasons — remains negligible.

Five years ago PCIJ had wished: Could we build an online platform of all the stories, source documents, and data files, the vertical and the horizontal, in hard and soft copies, and from both public and private sources, that the PCIJ has amassed through the years?

Could we develop a more layered, more interactive, more current i-site.ph, one bigger by depth and breadth of source documents, and with relevant hyper local data on all our towns and cities?

Could we put in an online databank all the editorial, research, training, and multimedia portfolio of the PCIJ and offer it as possibly a good journalistic record of politics and governance since 1989, the year PCIJ was born?

And so, as is usual with the PCIJ’s multitude of 11 staff personnel, we set down to hard work.

Step 1 involved auditing and organizing our content so we know what we could upload, and by what order of priority.

Step 2 led us to long hours of scanning, digitizing, and aggregating our content by time period, format, source, and policy focus.

Step 3 prompted us to acquire more source documents to bridge gaps in data. That meant repeated visits to and multiple requests filed with many public agencies so they would to give us more documents.

Step 4 entailed encoding and repurposing raw source documents into datasets in excel or spreadsheet formats that allow analysis, sorting, and stringing up with other datasets.

Step 5 required the entry of tech and platform architects who could help scrape, script, and render the datasets in an online platform.

Our initial harvest, of which only a small portion is now uploaded on MoneyPolitics, is a massive cache of documents — 57 gigabytes of unique datasets on about 6,500 public officials, and on public finance, governance, and elections, dating as far back as 1998.

Many more steps later, MoneyPolitics is now online. It is a project that has tested the limits of our patience and skills, and in the case of some staff members, put on hold or on second priority, relationships with lovers and loved ones; or in the case of one, the search for a boyfriend; and for another, plans to have a baby.

MoneyPolitics is not the story of the PCIJ, however. It is the story of Philippine government and politics, in the last two decades told in data, digits, and documents.

It is big data on an online platform that the PCIJ hopes could serve all citizens a resource, research, and analysis tool.

It is an online tracker, roadmap, and virtual archive of the public records most vital to promoting transparency, accountability, and integrity in government.

Just as important, PCIJ built MoneyPolitics to promote the Filipino citizen’s right to information and meaningful participation in governance.

MoneyPolitics connects the dots, loops in the stats, and the backward and the forward links, of stories that form the core of PCIJ’s work — how government spends public funds; the wealth of elective and appointive officials; campaign finance and elections; public contracts and contractors; politics and political families; and progress and regress in the national household. In gist, how money drives and defines policy and governance in the country.

Why is PCIJ so hinged on data and documents, you might ask.

In truth, PCIJ is obsessed with them because we believe they could help foster a few public goals we deem important for good journalism, good citizenship, and good governance to take firm root.

The first is numeracy. We like to boast that the literacy rate of Filipinos — simple, not functional, literacy — is among the highest in the world.

Many of us are not as numerate, however. We generally scorn or stay away from numbers. We write stories swimming in sound bytes and with just a dab of context data. A majority of us journalists would readily admit that we went into J school because it requires only one Math class, or sometimes none at all

But the most critical issues that impede good governance and development in the Philippines are issues writ large in numbers. Through MoneyPolitics, PCIJ hopes to vest numbers with more value and meaning when we write about our people.

The second goal we wish to promote is good recordkeeping in all our public agencies. Good recordkeeping, it is said, is a pillar of good governance. MoneyPolitics afforded us ground-level interaction with the people and agencies holding public records, and from these, a few observations have emerged.

Some public agencies are better and smarter at keeping records, and more open about sharing these on request of the media. Some public agencies have tons of time-series datasets kept up to date but other public agencies are not even aware these exist.

Archiving, organizing, updating, and sharing data between and among public agencies, and with the citizens and the media — these open government practices have few excellent practitioners for now.

While some national agencies deserve good marks for voluntarily uploading documents online, these are typically in html, PDF or flat, and thus unsearchable or unconnected, formats. They overwhelm citizens with numbers often bereft of meaning, or hardly given to sorting and analysis. In most other agencies, however, especially those on the regional and local levels, getting documents is an activity akin to pulling molars from a toothless tiger.

PCIJ developed MoneyPolitics to serve the personal need for data of individual citizens and journalists, but not the commercial purposes of corporate and other entities. (Please read Terms of Use).

Just as important, MoneyPolitics does not intend to replace the work of government or strip its agencies of their mandate and duty in law to uphold transparency and to respect the people’s right to know.

To be sure, MoneyPolitics is a project with many conspirators.

They include all the writers, editors, researchers, fellows, and support staff who had served with PCIJ from its birth in 1989.

PCIJ could not acknowledge enough the work of its founding executive director, Sheila S. Coronel (now director of the Tony Stabille Center for Investigative Reporting at Columbia University in New York); the late Alecks Pabico, PCIJ’s “self-taught” and first multimedia director; former PCIJ deputy executive director Jaileen Jimeno and former PCIJ librarian Ogie Sarmiento, who took the first steps in building the PCIJ digital library; and Cecile C. A. Balgos, whose razor-sharp pen never fails to lend polish to PCIJ’s editorial work.

PCIJ’s current team works hard and well precisely to deserve their legacy. Through MoneyPolitics, we wish to honor their work.

Credit for what MoneyPolitics is today goes singly and together to Karol Ilagan, PCIJ research director; Markku Seguerra, PCIJ platform architect; Rowena Caronan, PCIJ researcher-writer; Ed Lingao, PCIJ multimedia director; Miguel Gamara, PCIJ librarian; Fernando Cabigao Jr., PCIJ researcher-writer; and Charmaine Manay and Rosemarie Corpin, PCIJ part-time researchers.

MoneyPolitics would not have been born without the appropriate provisions budgeted by PCIJ admin manager Dona Lopez and her deputy, Yoly Nicolas.

The work of our training and writing fellows continues to inform MoneyPolitics. In turn, MoneyPolitics could further inform the seminar-workshops that PCIJ conducts through its training director Che de los Reyes, and her deputy, Edz de la Cruz.

PCIJ multimedia producer Cong Corrales and his partner Ed Lingao have also produced a video documentary on the making of MoneyPolitics.

Most important of all, PCIJ would like to thank the Open Society Foundations (OSF) for believing in our dream, and for being gracious enough to help make it happen. In 2011, the OSF extended a $100,000-grant across three years for PCIJ to develop MoneyPolitics, the online resource tool.

What next? MoneyPolitics is a work in progress. We are proceeding on to Stages 2 and 3 to assure a steady fresh harvest of data sets, full profiles of local elective officials, and more hyper local content on all the provinces, towns, and cities of the Philippines.

A demand-driven access to information initiative, an experiment in ground-up development of an online database of public records, a data journalism project — that is PCIJ’s MoneyPolitics Online.

We hope to share the experience and help replicate it in public agencies that are repositories of documents, in agencies vested with integrity and good governance mandates, and among civil society groups or schools with advocacies and practice hinged on data and documents.

A fuller, deeper MoneyPolitics 2.0 or even 3.0 in 2016? We could not stop dreaming of better things to come. Please help us make it happen again.

For now, happy surfing, everyone!

ANGKAN, INC. docu now online


The full PCIJ documentary on the Maguindanao clans is now online

A VIDEO DOCUMENTARY produced by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) on the continuing rule of the political clans in Maguindanao province may now be viewed online.

ANGKAN, INC. was produced by the PCIJ with assistance from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Commission on Human Rights (CHR). The documentary was also broadcast by television network TV5 on Sunday, April 28, as part of the station’s Balwarte series.

The PCIJ documentary looks at the roots of clan rule in Maguindanao, tracing it to as far back as the rule of the Datus at the height of the Sultanate of Maguindanao, before the arrival of the Spaniards i the Philippines. Over the centuries, especially in the last hundred years, the royal clans of Maguindanao had evolved from religious and cultural pillars of the society into political clans courted by the powers that be in Manila, beginning first with the American colonial regime, followed by successive Philippine governments after the declaration of Independence.

The continued political and economic influence of the clans became all the more apparent during election years, when they field large numbers of clan members, effectively smothering many other aspirants for public office.

The print versions of the documentary may be viewed here:

Ampatuans, web of kin warp Maguindanao polls

Maguindanao’s misery: Absentee officials, absence of rage, poverty

National politics prop dynasties to win elections

 

PCIJ’s ANGKAN, INC., a docu on Maguindanao’s clans

THE PHILIPPINE CENTER FOR INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (PCIJ) is proud to announce the broadcast of ANGKAN, INC., a special five-part documentary on the clans of Maguindanao as part of TV5′s Balwarte series on Sunday, April 28, at 10 p.m.

The documentary, produced by the PCIJ with the assistance of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Commission on Human Rights, takes a deeper look at the political, social, and economic influence of the various clans that have lorded over Maguindanao in the last few centuries. This influence is especially evident in the May 2013 elections, where at least 80 members of the Ampatuan clan are running for public office in various capacities, from town councilor to mayor. Senior members of the Ampatuan clan have been implicated in the 2009 Maguindanao massacre, where 58 people including 32 journalists were murdered in the worst case of election violence in the country.

But as the documentary shows, the case of the Ampatuans is not entirely unusual, as Maguindanao’s electoral races have long been the playground of the province’s clans. The Sangki clan, for example, is fielding 26 candidates, while the Midtimbangs are fielding 25. The Mangudadatu clan, the main rival of the Ampatuans, is fielding 18, even as their bailiwick is really in the neighboring province of Sultan Kudarat.

Interestingly, the proliferation of the clans and their continued and consistent dominance in Maguindanao does not seem to have had any positive effect on the socioeconomic development of Maguindanaoans. The province continues to wallow at the bottom with economic indicators showing very little progress over the decades.

The documentary also traces the evolution of the royal clans of the Sultanate of Maguindanao into today’s political clans, and how patronage politics on both the local and national level reinforce and perpetuate this clan system.

The print version of the documentary may also be read here:

The PCIJ series on Maguindanao is the first of a series of studies on the political clans that rule over significant portions of the country. In the next three years, the PCIJ will also be doing print stories and documentaries on other political clans in the Visayas and Luzon with assistance from the UNDP and CHR.

Watch the Maguindanao documentary tonight, April 28, on TV5′s Balwarte election series.

PCIJ story on wealth of justices, Data Journalism Awards finalist

FOR the second year in a row, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) has been selected as one of 72 finalists from 19 countries in the 2013 Data Journalism Awards (DJA) by The Global Editors Network (GEN).

The PCIJ’s four-part report titled “The Wealth of the ‘Gods of Faura’” was chosen out of over 300 applications that the GEN received during the screening process. (In the 2012 DJA, the PCIJ’s story, “Opaque LGUs the norm in NCR”, was also one of the 59 finalists.)

For the 2013 DJA, the PCIJ was named a finalist for a story that inquired into the steadily rising wealth of the 14 justices of the Philippine Supreme Court and exposed how the majority had not disclosed sundry fat allowances that they have been receiving, on top of their salaries, in their statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth.

PCIJ executive director Malou Mangahas and PCIJ research director Karol Ilagan wrote the story that was also a joint research project of the PCIJ and Solar News Network.

The PCIJ is the only finalist from Asia in the data-driven investigative reporting small media category of the 2013 DJA.

The 10 other finalists in the category include three from the United States, two from Italy, and one each from Canada, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, and Hungary.

There are four DJA awards categories — data-driven investigative reporting, data-driven applications, storytelling with data, and data journalism website or section.

This year, the DJA has also opened a special category, the “People’s Choice Award”, and encouraged netizens the world over to vote for their favorite data application or visualization nominees.

People may browse the list of nominees by category and vote for their favorite choices at https://app.wizehive.com/voting/dja2013

Projects from small media organization/individuals and large media organizations are judged separately in the DJA. A total of 15,000 euros (around $19,000) will be awarded to eight winning projects.

The winners of the DJA 2013 will be announced during the GEN News Summit in Paris, France, on June 20, 2013. All the finalists have been invited to attend the ceremony.

The 72 nominees will be judged by an international jury of experts chaired by Paul Steiger, editor-in-chief, president, and CEO of ProPublica, the non-profit investigative newsroom based in New York. Before Pro Publica, Steiger was the managing editor of the Wall Street Journal from 1991 to May 2007.

GEN or The Global Editors Network is a nonprofit, non-governmental association “committed to the principles of innovation and information sharing in the newsroom.”

GEN “empowers editors-in-chief, senior news executives, and media professionals from all platforms — print, digital, mobile and broadcast — by optimizing GEN’s network base to create new ideas and journalistic tools, allowing quality journalism to thrive.” More than 900 editors-in-chief have joined GEN and “made the decision to dedicate themselves to a better future for journalism.”

GEN’s 24 board members consist of “top media decisionmakers from news organizations such as CNN, Zeit Online, Les Echos, BBC, Le Monde, Clarin, the Guardian, the New York Times, etc.”

Aside from Pro Publica’s Steiger, the other members of the DJA 2013 jury are Justin Arenstein, publisher and CEO of African Eye News Service (AENS) and HomeGrown Magazines in Nelspruit, South Africa; Peter Barron, Google’s Director for External Relations for Europe, the Middle East and Africa;

Wolfgang Blau, director of Digital Strategy at The Guardian and former editor-in-chief of Zeit Online, the sister publication of Germany’s newspaper Die Zeit; Liliana Bounegru, editor of DataDrivenJournalism.net and project manager on data journalism at the European Journalism Centre; Reginald Chua, editor of Data and Innovation at Thomson Reuters;

Frédéric Filloux, a freelance writer and regular contributor to Slate.fr who teaches Multimedia Journalism at the Sciences Po School of Journalism in Paris; Joshua Hatch, senior editor for Data and Interactives at The Chronicle of Higher Education; Aron Pilhofer, editor of ‘Interactive News’ at the New York Times;

Paul Radu, executive director of the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project and Co-creator of the Investigative Dashboard Concept; Simon Rogers, editor of the Guardian’s DataBlog; and Giannina Segnini, director of the Investigative Unit at the daily, La Nacion, in Costa Rica.

Find the press release from the Perugia International Journalism Festival with the full list of the DJA 2013 finalists.