Crime in politics: The dark side of elections in the Philippines

AMONG ITS MANY EXCUSES for being, the government is supposed to combat crime and corruption. Those elected to office thus take a solemn oath before God, Country, and Constitution to uphold, defend, and rule by the laws of the land.

Our latest two-part report inquires into the cases of politicians accused of crime who have offered themselves to lead the people, and even ran and won in the May 2013 elections.

This unsettling nuptial of politics and crime, or of candidates and party-list group nominees accused of both graft and criminal offenses winning elective positions, was an unexplored dark side of the latest balotting. Yet even more worrisome, not a single government agency or the political parties had bothered to shed light on the issue.

A great many of these candidates — least 169 of them — even ran under the Liberal Party of President Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III, while more than 50 ran as part of the slate of the United Nationalist Alliance (UNA) led by Vice President Jejomar Binay.

Indeed, while citizens are typically required to secure police clearances when applying for a job, politicians accused of crime apparently get in and out of public office with neither effort nor dread.

Even those who have been convicted get to run for public posts, in contrast to the lot of dismissed government officers and personnel who are suspended or barred from public office after being found guilty of misdeeds.

PCIJ cross-checked the Sandiganbayan database with the official list of candidates for senator, congressman, governor, vice governor, provincial board member, mayor, vice mayor, and councilors in the May 2013 elections from the Commission on Elections (Comelec).

The database of the Sandiganbayan anti-graft court on cases filed from 1979 to 2012 shows that at least 504 candidates who ran in last month’s elections are respondents in 1,883 cases for graft and other crimes.

Of the 504 candidates with cases, 256 were elected or re-elected in the latest balloting, which drew a total of 45,147 candidates for all positions.

At least 17 of the winners had been convicted, including three whose sentence had been upheld by the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeals.

What the Sandiganbayan database failed to capture, however, are the cases of the big fish who managed to get away with graver offenses and high crimes. Some of these cases did not even reach the courts, and the few that did ended with the accused being pardoned and freed.

If you can’t jail them, elect them. If you do jail them, well, you can always elect them again.

This appears to be a recurring theme in the Philippines, where the popular saying that a public office is a public trust seems to be misconstrued as meaning the public must simply put their full trust in their public officials, regardless of their behavior.

Read the PCIJ’s report on “Crime in Politics? Politics in Crime?”
Part 1: Sandiganbayan: 256 poll winners have graft, crime cases; 17 convicted
Sidebar: The Big Fish Who Got Away

Astroturfing? Twitter boosts? Did poll bets burn money online?

ASTROTURFING? TWITTER BOOSTS?

The terms may be facile to crack for those who labor and learn from the online world, and are at any hour of day or night engaged in social media networks.

Yet even as the Commission on Elections started to strictly enforce campaign finance rules in cyberspace in the May 2013 elections, many candidates circumvented the spending limits by shifting their online ads from static sites. They put their money and ads in the wild and wooly world of social media.

Even in cyberspace, it’s still a game of cat and mouse; and when the cat is away, the mouse clicks like crazy.

Part 1 of our latest report, “Pols shift focus from static sites in 2010 to social media in 2013″ looks at how candidates in the last elections shifted the battle for votes from formal and overt online political advertisements in static websites, to the more heavily engaged, freewheeling, and freer, but not necessarily cheaper, social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube.

Part 2, “Social Media and the Elections: Still preaching to the choir?” looks at the potentials and pitfalls of the web as a platform for political discourse and voter education, amid the offline reality that only 30 percent of all Filipinos have access to the Internet, and even fewer are active on social media networks.

This two-part report is a production of PCIJ’s Multimedia Team that is composed of Program Director Ed Lingao, Platform Architect Markku Seguerra, and Deputy Producer Cong Corrales.

It is the first in a series of PCIJ reports on campaign finance issues in the last elections that will strive to assess how money flowed from donors to candidates to contractors; whether truthful reports will be filed and the correct taxes paid; and how else we could conduct more transparent, accountable, and inclusive elections. Stay tuned for more!

Withdraw online licensing policy, media groups urge Singapore

FOUR independent media organizations in Asia on Friday urged the government of Singapore to withdraw its newly issued “draconian” licensing policy for online news websites, citing measure’s “potential to curtail the rights to the freedom of expression and information online.”

In a joint statement, the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), the Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA), the Southeast Asian Centre for e-Media (SEACeM), and the Think Centre called the new policy “highly regrettable” in light of already “strict controls” that to this day govern the traditional media in Singapore.

The statement was issued simultaneously from Bangkok, Thailand; Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; and Singapore, where the four regional media groups are located.

The licensing regime for online news sites was introduced by the Media Development Authority (MDA), an agency under the Ministry of Communications and Information (MCI) that regulates all types of media in Singapore.

“It is highly regrettable that the authorities have chosen to tighten its grip on online space in a country where traditional media outlets have been subjected to strict controls like the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act (NPPA) and consistently perform poorly in press freedom rankings,” the statement said.

“We question the necessity or merits of the licensing framework at this juncture, especially since the MDA has stated that there are no expected changes to the content standards governing websites,” the groups added.

“We also deplore the seeming haste and secrecy at which the regulations came into force in the absence of any public consultations or debate in Parliament.”

The licensing framework that took effect June 1, 2013 covers news websites that publish one article that reports on Singapore news every week and that draw 50000 unique visitors every month.

The MDA made an announcement about the new policy on May 28, 2013, and the regulation came into force three days later.

The policy requires the covered online news sites to secure “individual licenses, including posting (and forfeiture) of monetary bonds and an annual review of licenses.”

The media groups averred that, “under the new regime, operators of news sites which defy the authorities’ order to apply for a license could face a fine of up to SGD200,000 or a maximum jail term of three years or both.”

While the MDA has clarified that personal blogs are currently exempted from the licensing conditions, the groups lamented that the policy “does not safeguard against the thinly veiled threat” that “if they take on the nature of news sites, we will take a closer look and evaluate them accordingly”.

“The requirement of a SGD50,000 performance bond could still mean that independent websites such as citizen and community-run platforms are compelled to cease operations due to the inability to raise funds,” the statement noted.

The policy also imposes a 24-hour takedown rule for “objectionable”
content on websites, which also applies even to comments made by readers. This, the startement said, “gives the MDA censorship powers over licensed websites.”

In addition, the media groups stated, “we are further alarmed that liability for sanctions extend to similar content carried in mirrors or other websites.”

“Worryingly, there is a conspicuous absence of any mention of oversight or recourse mechanisms against any abuse of the law. Such unfettered discretionary powers grant the authorities broad latitude to suppress free speech online on the vague grounds of public interest, morality, order and security, among others,” the statement said.

According to the media groups, the regulatory measures “undoubtedly create a chilling effect and have the potential to shrink the democratizing potential of popular online platforms Singapore.”

Such attempts are not unprecedented in Singapore, the media groups said.

In 2011, the government gazetted socio-political commentary website The Online Citizen as a “political association”.

This year, bloggers and website owners have variously been threatened with defamation suits, served with takedown notices and made to issue public apologies, the groups reported.

The Minister of Communication has also stated that the Broadcasting Act would be amended next year to include overseas news websites reporting on Singapore as well.

“We would like to assert that the media in general should be kept free from state control, and that self-regulation by the media should be the starting point of any official policy, in order to fully realize the right to freedom of expression and opinion,” the statement added.

“We remind the Singapore government that keeping the internet free is crucial to promoting and protecting the right to the freedom of expression and opinion, which, under international human rights law, includes the freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”

The media groups called on the government of Singapore to “withdraw the draconian licensing framework for online news sites,” adding that “any mechanism to address alleged objectionable online content must be dealt with on a case-case-to case basis, through a fair and transparent process with judicial oversight instead of extending the discretionary powers of executive or quasi-government bodies.”

Singapore is ranked 153 (Not Free) in Freedom House’s Freedom of the Press 2013 report and 149th out of 179 countries in the 2013 Press Freedom Index of Reporters Without Borders.

Mindanao journos, netizens: This PCIJ seminar is for you!

CALLING all journalists, netizens, and bloggers based in Mindanao:

Are you into investigative reporting?

Would you like to attend a PCIJ seminar?

The second of four seminars on “Political Clans, Governance, and Journalists’ Safety” of the PCIJ will be held on July 25-28, 2013 for the journalists, netizens, and bloggers of Mindanao.

June 10, Monday, is the deadline for application.

Who may apply?

Researchers, anchors, producers, editors, news managers, freelance reporters, contributors, and stringers of print, TV, radio, and online media may apply. Citizen media and bloggers covering public policy issues are also eligible.

The seminar will feature the following sessions:

* Media Killings, Political Violence, and Impunity in the Philippines
* Political Clans: Past and Future Links
* The Government’s Purse: Tracking the State’s Resources
* Ethics and Safety: Field and Newsroom Judgment Calls
* The Fundamentals of Investigative Reporting
* Tracking the Investigative Trails
– The Paper Trail: Understanding, Connecting, and Organizing Documents and Databases
– The People Trail: The Art of the Interview
* Putting the Story Together (for print, broadcast, and multimedia)

Funding
The PCIJ will cover:
* Round-trip transportation from the participant’s place of work and/or residence to the seminar venue.
* Board and lodging during the seminar.

The PCIJ will also provide a modest fellowship grant for story proposals that will be approved during or immediately after the seminar.

Application Requirements

1. Completed application form with two references (download here).
2. One or two samples of work discussing public policy, development, human rights, or governance issues.

For print and online: link to the stories or attach copies of stories in Word or PDF

For TV and radio: script, story concept/treatment, talking points, or research materials used in the broadcast story. A recording of the broadcast may also be submitted. Work samples may be submitted via:

a. Mail — enclose the CD or USB flash disk containing the recording of broadcast
b. Email — attach the material or send the link.


Selection process

Applicants will be selected based on the following criteria:
- Track record or experience in covering public policy issues.
- Demonstrated interest in doing in-depth reports on governance, development, and human rights issues.
- Potential for playing a key leadership role within his/her organization or media community.

Successful applicants will be notified within 10 working days after deadline.

The seminar graduates will be accorded priority slots in the subsequent Advanced Investigative Reporting Seminars that the PCIJ will conduct in 2014.

Sending your application:

By email:
Email address: training@pcij.org
Please state ‘Application to Attend the PCIJ’s Basic IR Seminar’ on the subject line

Note: We will acknowledge receipt of all submissions. If you do not receive any reply within three working days, please resend your application and move a follow-up email or call (02) 410-4768.

By fax:
Telefax: (02) 410-4768
Please write ‘ATTN: PCIJ Training Desk’ on the fax cover sheet
Note: After faxing, please call (02) 410-4768 to confirm if all the documents had been transmitted successfully.

By mail:
The Training Desk
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism
3/F Criselda 2 Bldg., 107 Scout de Guia St.
Brgy. Sacred Heart, Quezon City 1104
Note: We will acknowledge receipt of mailed applications via email or text.

Questions?
Please contact the PCIJ Training Desk at (02) 410-4768 or training@pcij.org


Coming soon: More PCIJ regional seminars!

Luzon
Application Deadline: July 10, 2013
Seminar Dates: Aug. 22-25, 2013

NCR
Application Deadline Aug. 1, 2013
Seminar Dates: Sept. 19-22, 2013

Why attend?

Through combined onsite and field learning sessions, the seminar aims to enhance the participants’ investigative reporting skills and practice, and offer a framework for analyzing media killings and safety issues in the context of governance, the culture of impunity, and the presence of political clans and private armed groups in many parts of the country.

The seminar also seeks to highlight the role of the police and human rights organizations as vital sources of information for journalists.

The seminar will feature lecture-discussions and workshops to identify potential risks and practical safety tips when covering dangerous assignments.

A Story Development Workshop will give participants an opportunity to pitch story proposals that the PCIJ may consider for fellowship grants and editorial supervision.

Experts from the academe, national media organizations, the police, human rights agencies and organizations, and data repository agencies will lead the discussions.

The 33 candidates for senator: Can they explain their wealth?

ARE THEY RICH, or are they poor? Were they born to wealth, or did they make money on their own labors? Did they bare all the facts of their assets, or mask the important details? What money and which donors make up their power base?

Can the 33 candidates for senator explain their wealth?

As the nation prepares to vote tomorrow, May 13, 2013, the baseline data on the wealth of the candidates should be clear at the outset to all the voters. This way, once the lucky ones get into office, the people could discern the rise or fall in their personal fortunes. In short, a status quo ante record.

Our latest offering, The Wealth of the 33 Candidates for Senator, is a four-part story on the business interests and financial connections of the candidates for senator.

For this report, the PCIJ reviewed all the relevant public records (Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth or SALNs, election spending reports, and reports on use and disbursement of pork barrel funds) of the candidates with tenure in public office.

The PCIJ also conducted a reverse search of registry records at the Securities and Exchange Commission to check in which corporate entities all 33 candidates have significant or controlling interest.

Authored by PCIJ Research Director Karol Ilagan and PCIJ Researcher-Writer Rowena Caronan, this report consists of four parts:

* The re-electionist senators, or those seeking a second term of office.

* The members of the House of Representatives who are now aspiring to sit in the Senate.

* The former senators who want to return to the Senate.

* The new, and not-so-new, candidates who want to be senators, even as many of them have no significant record of public service as yet.

You may read the PCIJ’s report in MoneyPolitics Online:

* THE RE-ELECTIONIST SENATORS:
SALNS bare some, mask other details
* Sidebar:
Wealth + donors + clans = power base

THE HOUSE’S WANNA-BE SENATORS:
* Propped by rich clans, big donors
* Sidebar:
Sons & daughters

* THE WANNA-BE SENATORS AGAIN:
No paupers despite break from politics

* The WANNA-BE SENATORS, TOO:
Family wealth, spouses’ assets boost a few newbies

The individual profiles and datasets on the 33 candidates, by their SALNs, election spending reports, and corporate records from the SEC, may be viewed on MoneyPolitics Online and the PCIJ portal.