Purgatory on earth

We are reposting this article published on April 15, 2014 about the challenges being faced by the sugar industry in Negros Occidental.

CUARESMA or Holy Week is the time when Filipinos reflect on the agony of Jesus Christ. It is also the time when the mamumugon — the workers in the vast haciendas or plantations of Negros Occidental — slip into a suspended state between life and death, a seeming purgatory on earth.

This is Tiempo Muerto, the dead season in the Philippines’ sugar bowl, a period between the planting and harvesting of sugarcane. It lasts from April until August, and is a season that the sugar plantation workers dread more than the typhoons that enter the country also around this period.

Click on the photo to read the full story.

NENE ROBATON studies at night using an improvised kerosene lamp as her source of light. Nene lives with her family in a hacienda. She hopes to become a teacher someday | Photo by Julius D. Mariveles

NENE ROBATON studies at night using an improvised kerosene lamp as her source of light. Nene lives with her family in a hacienda. She hopes to become a teacher someday | Photo by Julius D. Mariveles

View the accompanying video to this article on our Youtube Channel.

PH south’s separatist, armed groups

By Fernando Cabigao Jr

THE PHILIPPINE south has seen countless Moro separatist movements formed throughout many administrations. In truth, the history of insurgency among Moros dates back to Spanish rule.

The goal of the Muslim separatist groups is to establish “Bangsamoro,” literally translated into “Moro nation,” an Islamic state and government that is independent from the Philippine government.

Probably the most known Muslim separatist groups in the country are the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), and Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF).

MNLF is the mother group of ASG and MILF while BIFF is a breakaway faction of MILF. MNLF, however, is not the oldest known separatist group in the country. One Moro separatist group that precedes MNLF is the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM).

THE FIRST BATTLE OF BUD DAJO. American troops pose for the camera after the massacre of more than 1,000 Filipino Muslims who took refuge in Bud Dajo, a volcanic crater on the island of Jolo | Photo from the US National Archives

THE FIRST BATTLE OF BUD DAJO. American troops pose for the camera after the massacre of more than 1,000 Filipino Muslims who took refuge in Bud Dajo, a volcanic crater on the island of Jolo | Photo from the US National Archives

 

Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM)

The massacre of 64 Muslim trainees of the Philippine Army on March 18, 1968, upon the order of senior army officers, triggered the formation of MIM. The trainees were executed after backing out of a mission to invade Sabah. The commando group that was supposed to invade Sabah was named “Jabidah.” Thus, the execution of the 64 Muslim trainees was referred to as the “Jabidah Massacre.”

About two months after the massacre, the MIM was formed by former Cotabato governor Datu Udtog Matalam. It declared the establishment of an Islamic state in Mindanao and Sulu.

In her 2013 dissertation, “The Liberation Movements in Mindanao: Root Causes ad Prospects for Peace,” Marjanie Salic Macasalong writes that the MIM manifesto cited the “systematic extermination” of the Muslim youth as seen in the Jabidah massacre and the “policy of isolation and dispersal” of the Muslim communities as some of the reasons for MIM’s separation from the rest of the Philippines.

The MIM also formed its own military unit called the “Blackshirts,” which was composed of young Moros who had undergone training in the Middle East and nearby Muslim countries. The Blackshirts fought against the ILAGA (Ilonggo Land Grabbers’ Association), group of militant Christian settlers who grabbed lands from the Moros through “force and killings.”

MIM did not last long, however. After reportedly meeting with then President Ferdinand E. Marcos, Matalam yielded to the Philippine government.

Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)

MNLF flag

MNLF flag

In 1969, University of the Philippines Professor Nur Misuari, along with other Moros, formed the MNLF. Three years later, MNLF was officially established.

According to Andrew T. H. Tan’s A Handbook of Terrorism and Insurgency in Southeast Asia, the secular ideology of MNLF was traced to Misuari’s left-leaning ideology. Yet while MNLF does not embrace Islamic fundamentalism, Tan wrote, but it “religiously adheres to the concept of Moro nationalism.”

On Dec. 23, 1976, MNLF and the Philippine government signed an agreement in Tripoli, Libya that gave full autonomy to 13 provinces and nine cities in Mindanao. But what became known as the “Tripoli Agreement” did not push through.

In 1977, MNLF was granted an observer status as a non-state actor by the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). The OIC recognized MNLF as the sole legitimate international representative of Filipino Muslims. MNLF reportedly received financial support from OIC members such as Iran, Libya, Malaysia, and Saudi Arabia.

Macasalong writes that in 1973 to 1974, MNLF was reported to have at least 15,000 armed personnel. By 1975, that number had doubled to 30,000. MNLF also garnered support from half of the Moro population in Mindanao.

Yet by 1994, MNLF’s combatants were estimated to have dwindled to 14,000, according to Primed and Purposeful: Armed Groups and Human Security Efforts in the Philippines by Soliman Santos, Paz M. Santos, and Octavio Dinampo. By 2010, MNLF’s fighting force had decreased further to 5,800 members. By then the organization had broken up into at least three factions.

In 1986, then President Corazon ‘Cory’ Aquino had met with Misuari to discuss the resumption of talks with MNLF. This meeting led to the Jeddah Accord on February 3, 1987 that aimed to discuss the granting of full autonomy to Mindanao, Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and Palawan subject to democratic processes.

On Aug. 1, 1989, President Cory Aquino signed into law Republic Act No. (R.A.) 6734, which created the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). In a plebiscite, only the provinces of Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi opted to join the newly created ARMM.

On Aug. 14, 2001, during a plebiscite for R.A. 9054, which amended R.A. 6734, the province of Basilan and the City of Marawi joined the ARMM region.

On Sept. 2, 1996, the Ramos administration signed the final peace agreement with the MNLF to implement the 1976 Tripoli Agreement. Misuari became ARMM’s third governor, a position he held until 2001. Parouk Hussin, part of the so-called Council of 15 within MNLF, succeeded Misuari as ARMM Governor, and remained as such until 2005.

Misuari, however, was supposedly so bitter over losing his gubernatorial post that he led a mutiny in Jolo in the runup to the 2001 ARMM elections. The escapade, which left some 100 people dead, earned Misuari years of incarceration in a police compound in Sta. Rosa, Laguna. He was released in 2008.

MNLF operates in Basilan, Davao del Sur, Lanao del Norte, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, North Cotabato, Saranggani, South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and in the Zamboanga peninsula. The organization remains divided, with one faction still headed by Misuari.

It is the Misuari group that is believed to have been involved in the September 2013 siege in Zamboanga City that lasted for three weeks. The incident left nearly 250 dead, including 200 MNLF fighters, 20 government soldiers, five policemen, and 12 civilians.

Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)

MILF flag

MILF flag

MILF is s breakaway group of the MNLF. It was formed in 1984 when Salamat Hashim, then MNLF vice chairman and the chairman for foreign affairs, accused the MNLF leadership of straying from its Islamic basis, methodologies, and objectives and instead evolving toward a Marxist-Maoist orientation.

The breakaway group thus distinguished itself from MNLF by assuming the name “Moro Islamic Liberation Front,” emphasizing Islam as the basis for all its affairs and activities.

In July 2008, MILF and government representatives announced that they had reached an agreement. In its October 14, 2008 decision, however, the Supreme Court declared the proposed memorandum of agreement between MILF and the Philippine government as unconstitutional.

After Benigno ‘Noynoy’ S. Aquino III became President in 2010, the government and MILF began to work again on a peace pact. On March 27, 2014, the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro (CAB), the final peace agreement between the two parties, was signed. The bill on the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), which will create the Bangsamoro entity, is still under Congress’s scrutiny. But the passage of BBL is now in peril because of strong public outrage over the death of 44 Special Action Force (SAF) officers in Mamasapano, Maguindanao last month.

The SAF had been in pursuit of two terrorists, one of whom they managed to kill. The SAF, however, ended up exchanging gunfire with members of MILF and BIFF. Aside from SAF officers, the dead included MILF and BIFF members, as well as civilians.

Stanford University’s “Mapping Militant Organizations” website says that in 1998, MILF had around 90,000 members, based on data from MILF’s Luwaran newsletter. By 2008, however, MILF had just around 15,000 fighters.

MILF Founding Chairman Salamat Hashim

MILF Founding Chairman Salamat Hashim

Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF)

What would become known as BIFF broke from MILF in December 2010. Ustadz Ameril Umbra Kato, former commander of the MILF’s 105th Base Command, refused to accept the MILF leadership’s talks with the government toward autonomy instead of independence.

A November 2013 article posted on the U.S.-based Combating Terrorism Center website estimates BIFF to have around 300 fighters, which is far from Kato’s claim of 5,000. BIFF operates in areas under the MILF. The article, however, notes that despite its small size, BIFF has not shirked from engaging the Philippine armed forces, citing as an example a weeks-long clash with the Army in late 2012 in Maguindanao that resulted in the temporary displacement of nearly 40,000 people.

In February 2014, the Philippine Army launched a weeklong offensive called “Operation Darkhorse” against BIFF to reduce its capabilities to launch attacks in Central Mindanao. During the operation, the army seized four BIFF camps and a makeshift explosives factory in Maguindanao. A total of 52 BIFF fighters and one soldier died from the fighting.

Abu Sayyaf Group

The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) is the most radical and violent among the Moro separatist groups in southern Philippines. It is included in the list of terrorist groups of the United States National Counterterrorism Center.

ASG broke from MNLF in the early 1990s. Abdurajak Abubakar Janjalani, who was one those who lost confidence in the MNLF leadership, founded the fundamentalist Abu Sayyaf in 1991. The group reportedly has links with terrorist groups such as Jemaah Islamiya (JI) and Al-Qaeda.

In his “four basic truths” about the ASG, Janjalani explained that the group aims to serve as a bridge and balance between MILF and MNLF. During Janjalani’s leadership, the ASG’s goal was the establishment of purely Islamic government.

After Janjalani’s death in December 2008, his brother Khadaffy Janjalani took over as head of ASG. The group was less stable under Khadaffy Janjalani, but it became even more fragmented following his death in 2006. According to the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Abu Sayyaf Group has about 400 fighters.

ASG operates mainly in the provinces of Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi. It has become notorious for kidnapping foreigners and locals alike, including medical personnel and teachers, as well as for bombings, assassinations, and extortion.

Under the present administration, the group has had several encounters with government forces, including one on July 28, 2011 in Sulu that claimed the lives of seven marines, five of whom were beheaded. An encounter on Oct. 18, 2011 in Al-Barka, Basilan left 19 soldiers dead, while another on July 26, 2012 in Sumisip, Basilan also killed 19 soldiers.

In February 2013, the MNLF attacked the ASG in Sulu which led to the death of more than 20 combatants. The clash happened after the release of two Filipinos held hostage by the ASG. – PCIJ, March 2015

Gender divide in the PH Senate: 207 males, 18 females in 88 years

By Rowena F. Caronan

THE PHILIPPINE SENATE is 99 years old this year. Its roster enrolls the names of 225 senators, including only 18 or less than 2.2 percent who are women,

By all indications, to this day, the gender divide in the Philippine Senate remains wide and deep.

Seasoned male politicians, have always dominated the chamber. The first woman senator was elected in 1947, or a decade after Filipino women won suffrage in 1937.

From 1947 to 1965, only one woman completed the 24-member Senate. Geronima T. Pecson, the first woman senator, served from 1947 to 1953. Pacita Madrigal-Gonzales became the second woman senator in 1955. Maria Kalaw-Katigbak came in third in 1962.

In 1986, the number of women Senators quadrupled when Kalaw-Katigbak, Senators Eva Estrada-Kalaw, Magnolia W. Antonino, and Tecla San Andres-Ziga were elected. This number slid back to two in 1970, and barely improved in the next elections.

Over the last 30 years, on average only three women had served in the Senate.

Drag image to the left to see full table.

In the 2010 elections for the 16th Congress, however, voters sent six women to the Senate, the highest number ever obtained by women.

Senator Pilar Juliana ‘Pia’ S. Cayetano, and Miriam Defensor-Santiago are completing their terms until 2016. Senator Lorna Regina ‘Loren’ B. Legarda was re-elected, while Senators Maria Lourdes Nancy S. Binay, Grace Poe, and Cynthia A. Villar won seats in the 2013 senatorial elections.

Nancy Binay is the eldest daughter of Vice President Jejomar C. Binay, while Poe is the daughter of the late Fernando Poe Jr., the “King of Philippine Movies” who lost his bid for the presidency in 2004 to Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

A PCIJ story in 2013, however, highlighted a bleak picture of women’s participation in the country’s electoral process. Feminist experts interviewed for the story stressed that a rising number of women in politics does not necessarily reflect progress in representation for women. They pointed to an emerging trend of women candidates running only as benchwarmers or substitutes for father, brother, or spouse who belong to political clans. In fact, this case seems to apply to many of the 17 elected senators.

For starters, Pacita Madrigal-Gonzales was the daughter of Senator Vicente Madrigal. Vicente lost his re-election bid in 1953 and later supported his daughter’s candidacy in 1955.

PCIJ TABLE by Rowena Caronan

PCIJ TABLE by Rowena Caronan

Both Magnolia Antonino and Luisa Ejercito Estrada replaced their husbands whose political careers had just ended. In 1969, Magnolia ran in lieu of husband Senator Gaudencio Antonino, who died a day before his re-election bid. Luisa ran and won as senator after the ouster of her husband, then President Joseph Ejercito Estrada.

Similarly, Pia Cayetano inherited the Senate seat vacated by her father, and Cynthia Villar, by her husband. Pia became a senator in 2004, following the death of her father Sen. Renato Cayetano, in 2003.

Cynthia took the place of her husband Senator Manuel B. Villar Jr., whose second term ended in 2013.

Meanwhile, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, daughter of President Diosdado Macapagal, continued her father’s political career. The election of Nancy Binay, daughter of Vice President Jejomar Binay, to the Senate was considered a move to widen her family’s political influence beyond Makati City.- PCIJ, March 2015

SAF survivor: #FightForPeace

Mamasapano survivor pushes for continuation of peace process

“The true face of war is not that dead soldier or rebel on the battlefield. It is a mother fleeing home with a cartload of offspring, amid sounds of gunfire.”

A MEMBER of the elite Philippine National Police-Special Action Force who survived the clash in Mamasapano, Maguindanao province has initiated an online petition calling for the continuation of the peace process in Mindanao.

“I was part of January 25 Mamasapano operation to capture the terrorist Marwan,” the SAF trooper, who used the pseudonym Jason Navarro, described himself in the online petition uploaded on the international petition platform Change.org.

“I am a Special Action Force (SAF) officer. I lost 44 of my comrades and was wounded in battle. I will carry physical and emotional scars for life,” he said.

The clash killed 44 SAF troopers, 18 MILF rebels, and eight civilians, and left scores more wounded.

“Even so, I grieve to hear demands for “all-out war.” For I, too, am a child of Mindanao. In childhood, I watched the flight of thousands of people from nearby towns. Entire families desperately seeking safe haven, war having obliterated their communities.”

Click on the image below to view the petition on the change.org site.

PHOTO from change.org petition of Jason Navarro

PHOTO from change.org petition of Jason Navarro

 

Women: The right to vote & serve

By Fernando Cabigao Jr.

IT WAS 78 years ago when Filipino women first gained the right to vote and to run for public office. That happened on April 30, 1937.

But Filipino men of some education and property had claimed that right 30 years earlier in 1907.

Act 1582 became the first legislation on elections enacted by the Philippine Commission during the American occupation period. It allowed male citizens 23 years or older and of legal residence the right to vote.

Yet still, to qualify as a voter, Filipino males must have held a government position before Aug. 13, 1898; own real property worth P500 or pay P30 of established taxes a year; and able to speak, read, and write in English or Spanish. Act 1582 took effect on Jan. 15, 1907.

During the Commonwealth period, the 1935 Constitution stated that only Filipino men who are 21 years or older and are not disqualified by law can vote. They must also be able to read and write, and resided for a year in the Philippines, and for at least six months in the municipality where they are voting, before election day.

On April 30, 1937, the right of suffrage was extended to Filipino women, after 447,725 of them voted for it in a special plebiscite.

Article V of the 1935 Constitution that limited the right to vote to men set a condition that suffrage may also be extended to Filipino women if 300,000 of them will vote in favor of the motion in a special plebiscite to be held within two years after the adoption of the Constitution.

The general elections held on Dec. 14, 1937 became the first balloting in the country in which Filipino women were allowed to vote and run for public office. Subsequent elections saw many Filipino women winning in various local positions across the nation.

Among the notable ones were Carmen Planas (City Councilor, Manila in 1937 and 1941), Elisa Ochoa (first woman member of Congress, 1941), and Geronima Pecson (first woman senator, 1947).

In the May 2013 elections, female voters had already outnumbered male voters – there were 893,418 more women than male voters out of the 50,896,164 total registered voters in the country that year.

But in terms of the number of candidates who ran, the women still represented a minority in the last elections.

Of the 44,448 candidates, only 18 percent or 7,921 were women. Of the 33 candidates for senator, only eight were women.

Too, of the 630 candidates who made a bid for the 234 slots for district representatives, only one in six or 125 were women. - PCIJ, March 2015

References:
* Aning, Jerome. “Women mark anniversary of right to vote.”

* Official Gazette. “The 1935 Constitution.”

* Official Gazette. “Women in government.”

* Official Gazette. “Statement: The Deputy Presidential Spokesperson on the 76th anniversary of Women’s Suffrage in the Philippines.”

* Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism. “Benchwarmers or True Leaders? Women candidates a puny minority in nat’l, local races.”

* PhilippineLaw.info. “Act No. 1582, Election Law.”

* PhilippineLaw.info. “C.A. No. 34, An Act to Provide for the Holding of a Plebiscite on the Question of Woman Suffrage.”

* Presidential Museum and Library. “1937 Plebiscite.”