Women candidates a minority: Benchwarmers or true leaders?

WOMEN, it is said, hold half the world in their hands. And because it is Mother’s Day today, the PCIJ checked out the status of the distaff side in the May 2013 elections.

By now, it is clear to all that only 8 — or only one in four — of the 33 candidates for senator are women. The gender divide turns more skewed, however, if one were to look at the number of female candidates down the line.

The records of the Commission on Elections show that: women make up only 20 percent of the official candidates for district representatives; only 17 percent of the candidates for governor; only 14 percent of the candidates for vice governor; only 19 percent of the candidates for mayor; and only 16 percent of the candidates for vice mayor.

In the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, two of the six candidates for regional governor are women. But down the line, the numbers thin out to zero female candidate for regional governor, and only 8 of the 80 candidates for regional assembly members.

Feminist scholars have noted a sorry picture of many women candidates running only as benchwarmers or substitutes for father, brother or spouse who typically belong to political clans. This seems to be the case, they say, for two candidates for senator, Maria Lourdes Nancy Binay and former Las Pinas representative Cynthia A. Villar.

The same narrative had an earlier example in former First Lady Luisa ‘Loi’ Ejercito, who ran and won as senator in 2001, after her husband, former President Joseph Estrada, was charged and placed under house arrest on plunder and perjury charges. Estrada’s son and co-accused, Jose or Jinggoy Ejercito, also ran and won as senator in 2004. Mother and son soon became seatmates in the Senate.

The situation of having women act as “benchwarmers” for the male members of the family is even starker in local elective positions. The twist is that in all probability, there may even be fewer women at this level were it not for the “familial” push.

Indeed, if running for office is family duty first and foremost to some women candidates, where does public service, or even, leadership by the distaff side, begin?

More than the quantity or the number of women politicians, experts say that what should be emphasized is the quality or the kind of commitment and service that women politicians should offer to the people.

Having eight women as candidates for senator, or 25 percent of the 33 total aspirants, is progress enough but it has hardly caused a stir of excitement even among women’s rights advocates.

“Ideally, it is expected that when there are more women (participating in politics), there are more voices (for women), and (that) they will be more gender sensitive,” says Mary Joan Guan, executive director of the Center for Women’s Resources.

“But based on our observation through the years, gender alone is not a basis. It is not necessary that if the candidate or official is a woman, she’ll be the voice of the women, especially the marginalized sector.”

She also says that while it is a positive development that women are entering the political arena, people should still closely scrutinize the reasons why these individuals chose to run in the first place.

“If we analyze who these women candidates are, they are (usually) from well-known and powerful families or political families, if not wives of politicians,” Guan says.

She adds, “We are still in the traditional politics practice, so our culture dictates that whoever has the money, is in power, or is in alliance with people in office, wins.”

That may be one factor discouraging many other women from considering politics as a career. Other women’s rights advocates meanwhile say that in a patriarchal society like that in the Philippines, politics merely extends the subservient role women play in the family.

More often than not, they point out, Filipino women are prompted to run for public office only because a husband, father, or brother is unable to do so at that moment or can no longer run altogether.

Sometimes, too, female family members are recruited to run for office simply because the clan wants to either widen or consolidate its power and lacks qualified male members that it can put in public positions.

Read the full report and check out the data table on the gender divide between all the candidates in the May 13, 2013 elections in PCIJ’s MoneyPolitics Online.

ANGKAN, INC. docu now online


The full PCIJ documentary on the Maguindanao clans is now online

A VIDEO DOCUMENTARY produced by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) on the continuing rule of the political clans in Maguindanao province may now be viewed online.

ANGKAN, INC. was produced by the PCIJ with assistance from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Commission on Human Rights (CHR). The documentary was also broadcast by television network TV5 on Sunday, April 28, as part of the station’s Balwarte series.

The PCIJ documentary looks at the roots of clan rule in Maguindanao, tracing it to as far back as the rule of the Datus at the height of the Sultanate of Maguindanao, before the arrival of the Spaniards i the Philippines. Over the centuries, especially in the last hundred years, the royal clans of Maguindanao had evolved from religious and cultural pillars of the society into political clans courted by the powers that be in Manila, beginning first with the American colonial regime, followed by successive Philippine governments after the declaration of Independence.

The continued political and economic influence of the clans became all the more apparent during election years, when they field large numbers of clan members, effectively smothering many other aspirants for public office.

The print versions of the documentary may be viewed here:

Ampatuans, web of kin warp Maguindanao polls

Maguindanao’s misery: Absentee officials, absence of rage, poverty

National politics prop dynasties to win elections

 

PCIJ’s ANGKAN, INC., a docu on Maguindanao’s clans

THE PHILIPPINE CENTER FOR INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (PCIJ) is proud to announce the broadcast of ANGKAN, INC., a special five-part documentary on the clans of Maguindanao as part of TV5′s Balwarte series on Sunday, April 28, at 10 p.m.

The documentary, produced by the PCIJ with the assistance of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Commission on Human Rights, takes a deeper look at the political, social, and economic influence of the various clans that have lorded over Maguindanao in the last few centuries. This influence is especially evident in the May 2013 elections, where at least 80 members of the Ampatuan clan are running for public office in various capacities, from town councilor to mayor. Senior members of the Ampatuan clan have been implicated in the 2009 Maguindanao massacre, where 58 people including 32 journalists were murdered in the worst case of election violence in the country.

But as the documentary shows, the case of the Ampatuans is not entirely unusual, as Maguindanao’s electoral races have long been the playground of the province’s clans. The Sangki clan, for example, is fielding 26 candidates, while the Midtimbangs are fielding 25. The Mangudadatu clan, the main rival of the Ampatuans, is fielding 18, even as their bailiwick is really in the neighboring province of Sultan Kudarat.

Interestingly, the proliferation of the clans and their continued and consistent dominance in Maguindanao does not seem to have had any positive effect on the socioeconomic development of Maguindanaoans. The province continues to wallow at the bottom with economic indicators showing very little progress over the decades.

The documentary also traces the evolution of the royal clans of the Sultanate of Maguindanao into today’s political clans, and how patronage politics on both the local and national level reinforce and perpetuate this clan system.

The print version of the documentary may also be read here:

The PCIJ series on Maguindanao is the first of a series of studies on the political clans that rule over significant portions of the country. In the next three years, the PCIJ will also be doing print stories and documentaries on other political clans in the Visayas and Luzon with assistance from the UNDP and CHR.

Watch the Maguindanao documentary tonight, April 28, on TV5′s Balwarte election series.

Understanding the clans of Maguindanao

CULTURAL NUANCES, economic and historical contexts, and a bewildering political milieu – understanding all these factors and how they relate to each other is the only way one can hope to understand the persistence of political clans and their continued dominance in Philippine politics.

During the launch of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism’s (PCIJ) series of stories on the clans of Maguindanao, several experts stressed the need for journalists to go beyond the counting of names and listing of numbers of the political candidates in order to better explain why the clans still reign supreme in the province.


PCIJ’s Malou Mangahas on the objective of the PCIJ project

The PCIJ stories and a video documentary on the clans of Maguindanao were presented to the public in a briefing/forum in Quezon City last April 11. Joining the activity were several political, social, and cultural experts from both Manila and Maguindanao. The project was assisted by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Commission on Human Rights.

The Maguindanao study is only the first of a series of efforts to better understand and explain the persistence of the clans in Philippine politics. While Maguindanao serves as the pilot province for the initial effort, the PCIJ will be conducting similar studies in other island groups in Visayas and Luzon. This, as Maguindanao is far from the only province in the country with an army of political families that are dominating a particular area, says Asian Institute of Management Policy Center director Ronald U. Mendoza.

Atty. Laisa Alamia, chairperson of the Regional Human Rights Commission for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), said the PCIJ study was a very good start to understanding the nature and characteristics of dynasties wherever they may be.


Atty Laisa Alamia of the Regional Human Rights Commission on the importance of context

“This is a good start. The challenge is for all of us to continue doing this and for PCIJ to continue also doing this to help us in trying to find solutions to the problems in the ARMM,” Alamia said in the forum.

AIM’s Mendoza also endorsed the PCIJ investigative report as a model for looking into the historical and political contexts of the dynasties in the country.


AIM’s Dr. Ronald Mendoza on the national context

Another guest, Mussolini Lidasan of the Al Qalam Institute of the Ateneo de Davao, was a good example of the importance of nuancing in the reportage of dynasties. A Datu, Lidasan is one of many clan members who are engaged in civil society work to strengthen political and social structures in his home province.

The PCIJ series on the Maguindanao clans may be read here:

Ampatuans, web of kin, warp Maguindanao polls

Maguindanao’s misery: Absence of officials, absence of rage, poverty

Nat’l politicos prop dynasties as surrogates to win polls

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The clan politics of Maguindanao

WHEN one talks about politics and elections in Maguindanao, one will have to reckon with the clans, too. Or, a web of clans to be exact.

A spider couldn’t have spun a more complicated fabric of power: an interlocking network of a dozen families that link in and out to each other, each with at least six to at most 80 clan members running yet again in May 2013 for elective positions that they have controlled for decades.

Led by the Ampatuans – whose patriarch and scions stand accused as masterminds of the Maguindanao Massacre of November 2009 – these families include the Sangkis and Mangudadatus, Midtimbangs, Sinsuats, Dilangalens, Datumanongs and Hatamans, and the Semas, among others.

By blood or affinity, they are all related, their political and economic clout strong and unrivaled in Maguindanao, and now spreading to Sultan Kudarat and Basilan.

The Commission on Elections’ official list of candidates for the May 2013 elections reads like a who’s who of Maguindanao’s royal families, with the Ampatuans still top of the roster, with 80 candidates carrying Ampatuan as their middle or last name.

They are followed by the Midtimbangs and the Sangkis who are related by marriage to the Ampatuans, with 26 and 25 candidates, respectively; and the Mangudadatus, the foremost rival of the Ampatuans in the 2010 elections, with their own team of 18 candidates.

Also with 22 candidates are the Sinsuats; 15 for the Pendatuns; 14 for the Matalams, and eight for the Masturas.

The irony of Maguindanao is this: Far too many candidates — 1,180 in all for just 369 positions up for grabs — but far too few real choices.

In this three-part report, PCIJ MUltimedia Director Ed Lingao reviews the backward and forward links of the clan politics of Maguindanao, and its likely adverse impact on the May 2013 elections — an unchanged situation of poverty, absentee local officials, bad governance, and an unyielding culture of violence.

To illustrate the ties that bind, PCIJ Research Director Karol Ilagan worked on a diagram of how Ampatuans and their relatives form the other clans connect. The result is not a family tree but a spider web of clan networks that has defined, and continues to define, Maguindanao.

The most dynastic province in the Philippines, or one host to “the fattest dynasty” in the land, Maguindanao is a constant cellar dweller in lists of the poorest provinces of the country. It also ranks significantly low in indices of good governance.

Read The Clan Politics of Maguindanao here:

Part 1: Ampatuans, web of kin warp Maguindanao polls
Sidebar 1: The ties that bind